Source: Ōno 1954

Ōno Hōdō 大野法道. Daijō kai kyō no kenkyū 大乗戒経の研究. Tokyo: Risōsha 理想社, 1954.

Assertions

Assertion Argument Place in source Search

Ōno states that the Kaijue zixing banre boluomiduo jing 開覺自性般若波羅蜜多經 T260, ascribed to Weijing 惟淨, was translated by *Dharmapāla 法護 and Weijing 惟淨 in Mingdao 明道 1 (1032) and 2 (1033). Weijing’s name appears at the beginning of the first and second juan, and *Dharmapāla at the beginning of the third and fourth. Ōno thinks that those names show who was in charge of the translation of each juan.

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Ono states that the Kaijue zixing banre boluomiduo jing 開覺自性般若波羅蜜多經 T260, ascribed to Weijing 惟淨, was translated by *Dharmapala 法護 and Weijing 惟淨 in Mingdao 明道 1 (1032) and 2 (1033). Weijing’s name appears at the beginning of the first and second juan, and *Dharmapala at the beginning of the third and fourth. Ono thinks that those names show who was in charge of the translation of each juan. Dharmapala, 法護 Weijing, 惟淨 T0260; 佛說開覺自性般若波羅蜜多經

Ōno compares several passages in the so-called *Kāśyapasaṃvara-sūtra(?) 迦葉禁戒經 T1469, ascribed to Juqu Jingsheng, the Rulai du zheng zi shi sanmei jing 如来獨證自誓三昧經 T623, ascribed to Dharmarakṣa, and the Zi shi sanmei jing 自誓三昧經 T622, ascribed to An Shigao, in order to illustrate that the text of T1469 is used in T623, while T622 is an alternate version of T623 (the comparison of quoted passages is presented on 109). Ōno claims that T623 must have been written in China, as it quotes T1469, which Ōno regards as itself an excerpt text compiled in China [see separate CBC@ entry on T1469]. T623 has been ascribed incorrectly to Dharmarakṣa since Dao’an’s catalogue.

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Ono compares several passages in the so-called *Kasyapasamvara-sutra(?) 迦葉禁戒經 T1469, ascribed to Juqu Jingsheng, the Rulai du zheng zi shi sanmei jing 如来獨證自誓三昧經 T623, ascribed to Dharmaraksa, and the Zi shi sanmei jing 自誓三昧經 T622, ascribed to An Shigao, in order to illustrate that the text of T1469 is used in T623, while T622 is an alternate version of T623 (the comparison of quoted passages is presented on 109). Ono claims that T623 must have been written in China, as it quotes T1469, which Ono regards as itself an excerpt text compiled in China [see separate CBC@ entry on T1469]. T623 has been ascribed incorrectly to Dharmaraksa since Dao’an’s catalogue. T0622; 佛說自誓三昧經 T0623; 佛說如來獨證自誓三昧經

According to Ōno, it was KYL that first classified the Jing ye zhang jing 淨業障經 T1494 as anonymous translation of the Qin period [this information is still carried by the byline in T]. KYL refutes an ascription to Dharmarakṣa given by DZKZM 大周錄, citing the Fashang catalogue 法上錄. Sengyou records a Jing chu ye zhang jing 淨除業障經 in one juan, characterising it as an excerpt text derived from T1494, but it has been lost.

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According to Ono, it was KYL that first classified the Jing ye zhang jing 淨業障經 T1494 as anonymous translation of the Qin period [this information is still carried by the byline in T]. KYL refutes an ascription to Dharmaraksa given by DZKZM 大周錄, citing the Fashang catalogue 法上錄. Sengyou records a Jing chu ye zhang jing 淨除業障經 in one juan, characterising it as an excerpt text derived from T1494, but it has been lost. T1494; 佛說淨業障經

According to Ōno, the Fangguang jing ji 放光經記 T2145 (LV) 47c10-28 records that the Fangguang banre jing 放光般若經 (a “larger” Prajñāpāramitā, T221 ascribed to *Mokṣala 無羅叉) was co-translated by *Mokṣala and Zhu Shulan 竺叔蘭 in Yuankang 元康 1 (291) of the W. Jin. Zhu Zixing 朱子行 (= Zhu Shixing 朱士行) had one of his disciples, Furutan 弗如檀 (Farao 法饒), bring the original text of T2145 to China in Dakang 大康 3 (282), after Zhu Shixing himself went to Khotan 于闐 in Ganlu 甘露 5 of the Cao Wei 曹魏 (260). Sengyou (in CSZJJ juan 2) ascribed this text to Zhu Shixing [referring to T2145 (LV) 7b7-11?], which must be incorrect, because Zhu Shixing never returned from Khotan to China, as pointed out by LDSBJ. All the catalogues after Fajing ascribe the text to Mokṣala and Zhu Shulan.

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According to Ono, the Fangguang jing ji 放光經記 T2145 (LV) 47c10-28 records that the Fangguang banre jing 放光般若經 (a “larger” Prajnaparamita, T221 ascribed to *Moksala 無羅叉) was co-translated by *Moksala and Zhu Shulan 竺叔蘭 in Yuankang 元康 1 (291) of the W. Jin. Zhu Zixing 朱子行 (= Zhu Shixing 朱士行) had one of his disciples, Furutan 弗如檀 (Farao 法饒), bring the original text of T2145 to China in Dakang 大康 3 (282), after Zhu Shixing himself went to Khotan 于闐 in Ganlu 甘露 5 of the Cao Wei 曹魏 (260). Sengyou (in CSZJJ juan 2) ascribed this text to Zhu Shixing [referring to T2145 (LV) 7b7-11?], which must be incorrect, because Zhu Shixing never returned from Khotan to China, as pointed out by LDSBJ. All the catalogues after Fajing ascribe the text to Moksala and Zhu Shulan. *Moksala, 無羅叉, 無叉羅 Zhu Shulan 竺尗蘭, 竺叔蘭, Zhu Fashu 竺法寂, 竺法叔 T0221; “Larger Prajnaparamita”; 放光般若經

Ōno argues that the “Sūtra of Human Kings” 仁王般若波羅蜜經 T245 ascribed to Kumārajīva was composed in China 中國成立. Ōno states that the text contains precept 戒-related content that are not seen in the Buddhist scriptures of India and the Western territories 印度西域. Ōno agrees with Mochizuki’s view that such content was based on historical facts in the N. Wei 北魏, Latter Qin 後秦, and [Liu] Song. Ōno cites actual events that correspond to the contents of T245. Following Mochizuki, Ōno presents a list of parallels between T245, the “Brahma Net Sūtra” 梵網經 T1484, and the Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經 T1485 (89-90). Ōno also asserts that text contains numerous terms used only in China. He suggests further that the text is actually a “Compendium of buddhavacana compiled by Kumārajīva” 羅什撰集佛語, as stated by a note in Fajing (T2146 [LV] 126b8). Fajing’s comments overtly doubt the ascription, and he includes the text in the category of suspicious texts 疑惑部. The text was also generally regarded as apocryphal in the Liang period, as exemplified in Liang Wudi’s 武帝 preface to a commentary on the “Larger” Prajñāpāramitā 註解大品經序. Kuiji 基 states in his conspectus of the Yogācārabhūmi 瑜伽師地論略纂 that attempts to find a version of this text in “the West” had proven unsuccessful 西方尋訪彼經未聞有本 (T1829 [XLIII] 129c10). Sengyou lists it as extant, but anonymous. The ascription of T245 to Kumārajīva in the present canon 現藏 (the Taishō) came from KYL. However, the ascription was already given in LDSBJ, citing the Bie lu 別錄.

According to Ōno, LDSBJ lists two alternate translations of the Sūtra of Humane Kings, one ascribed to Dharmarakṣa, citing the miscellaneous catalogue of the Jin era 晋世雜錄, and another ascribed to Paramārtha, citing a biography of Paramārtha 眞諦傳. KYL accepts those entries and classified the texts in question as missing 缺本. However, Ōno points out that there is no evidence for the existence of these two versions. Ōno states that LDSBJ is careless 杜撰 in stating that both Kumārajīva’s and Paramārtha’s translations are the “second” translation of the text 第二出. Further, LSDBJ comments that both are slightly different from Dharmarakṣa’s translation 與晉世法護出者少異, but this assertion is groundless – in adding this note, Fei Changfang is probably trying to give the false impression that he actually compared the different versions.

As Fajing points out, the vocabulary of the extant version is neither that of Dharmarakṣa nor that of Kumārajīva. Paramārtha’s version was reportedly translated in Chengsheng 承聖 3 (554), which could not be true of the presently extant text, since the title Renwang banre 仁王般若 was already used in Liang Wudi’s preface. Thus, Ōno concludes that the theory that three versions existed does not have any factual basis, and that probably, spurious traditions about ”lost” versions, which never actually existed, are the results of blind efforts to give the authority of Indic provenance to a non-translated text, as in the case of the Pusa yingluo jingye ben.

Ōno maintains that T245 was written at roughly the same time as the closely related “Brahma Net Sūtra” and the Pusa yingluo benye jing, both of which are also Chinese productions. T245 should date between Xuanshi 玄始 15 of the Northern Liang 北涼 (426), viz., the date of translation of the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488, which is its latest source, and the production of Liang Wudi’s abovementioned preface (512) (or of the miscellaneous catalogue of the Jin 晋世雜錄, which is supposed to have been more than sixty years earlier, if one believes LDSBJ).

Edit

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Ono argues that the “Sutra of Human Kings” 仁王般若波羅蜜經 T245 ascribed to Kumarajiva was composed in China 中國成立. Ono states that the text contains precept 戒-related content that are not seen in the Buddhist scriptures of India and the Western territories 印度西域. Ono agrees with Mochizuki’s view that such content was based on historical facts in the N. Wei 北魏, Latter Qin 後秦, and [Liu] Song. Ono cites actual events that correspond to the contents of T245. Following Mochizuki, Ono presents a list of parallels between T245, the “Brahma Net Sutra” 梵網經 T1484, and the Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經 T1485 (89-90). Ono also asserts that text contains numerous terms used only in China. He suggests further that the text is actually a “Compendium of buddhavacana compiled by Kumarajiva” 羅什撰集佛語, as stated by a note in Fajing (T2146 [LV] 126b8). Fajing’s comments overtly doubt the ascription, and he includes the text in the category of suspicious texts 疑惑部. The text was also generally regarded as apocryphal in the Liang period, as exemplified in Liang Wudi’s 武帝 preface to a commentary on the “Larger” Prajnaparamita 註解大品經序. Kuiji 基 states in his conspectus of the Yogacarabhumi 瑜伽師地論略纂 that attempts to find a version of this text in “the West” had proven unsuccessful 西方尋訪彼經未聞有本 (T1829 [XLIII] 129c10). Sengyou lists it as extant, but anonymous. The ascription of T245 to Kumarajiva in the present canon 現藏 (the Taisho) came from KYL. However, the ascription was already given in LDSBJ, citing the Bie lu 別錄. According to Ono, LDSBJ lists two alternate translations of the Sutra of Humane Kings, one ascribed to Dharmaraksa, citing the miscellaneous catalogue of the Jin era 晋世雜錄, and another ascribed to Paramartha, citing a biography of Paramartha 眞諦傳. KYL accepts those entries and classified the texts in question as missing 缺本. However, Ono points out that there is no evidence for the existence of these two versions. Ono states that LDSBJ is careless 杜撰 in stating that both Kumarajiva’s and Paramartha’s translations are the “second” translation of the text 第二出. Further, LSDBJ comments that both are slightly different from Dharmaraksa’s translation 與晉世法護出者少異, but this assertion is groundless – in adding this note, Fei Changfang is probably trying to give the false impression that he actually compared the different versions. As Fajing points out, the vocabulary of the extant version is neither that of Dharmaraksa nor that of Kumarajiva. Paramartha’s version was reportedly translated in Chengsheng 承聖 3 (554), which could not be true of the presently extant text, since the title Renwang banre 仁王般若 was already used in Liang Wudi’s preface. Thus, Ono concludes that the theory that three versions existed does not have any factual basis, and that probably, spurious traditions about ”lost” versions, which never actually existed, are the results of blind efforts to give the authority of Indic provenance to a non-translated text, as in the case of the Pusa yingluo jingye ben. Ono maintains that T245 was written at roughly the same time as the closely related “Brahma Net Sutra” and the Pusa yingluo benye jing, both of which are also Chinese productions. T245 should date between Xuanshi 玄始 15 of the Northern Liang 北涼 (426), viz., the date of translation of the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488, which is its latest source, and the production of Liang Wudi’s abovementioned preface (512) (or of the miscellaneous catalogue of the Jin 晋世雜錄, which is supposed to have been more than sixty years earlier, if one believes LDSBJ). T0245; 佛說仁王般若波羅蜜經

Ōno maintains that the later version of the “Sūtra of Human Kings” 仁王護國般若波羅蜜多經 T246 ascribed to Amoghavajra 不空 differs too greatly from the earlier version, T245, for it to be considered an alternate translation of the older text. The titles of four out of eight chapters are different; odd original terms were replaced; Chinese-specific terms were removed, etc. Following Mochizuki and Shiio , Ōno states that T246 is rather a revised version of T245.

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Ono maintains that the later version of the “Sutra of Human Kings” 仁王護國般若波羅蜜多經 T246 ascribed to Amoghavajra 不空 differs too greatly from the earlier version, T245, for it to be considered an alternate translation of the older text. The titles of four out of eight chapters are different; odd original terms were replaced; Chinese-specific terms were removed, etc. Following Mochizuki and Shiio , Ono states that T246 is rather a revised version of T245. T0246; 仁王護國般若波羅蜜多經

Ōno states that the Ugraparipṛcchā 郁伽長者所問經 [referring to the version preserved in the Ratnakūṭa, 郁伽長者會 T310(19)?] is often quoted in the *Daśabhūmikavibhāṣā 十住毘婆沙論 (T1521). Further, he states that various chapters of T1521 (歸命相品, 五戒品, 知家過患品, and 入寺品) of T1521 were even written on the basis of the Ugraparipṛcchā. The explanations about the dhūtaṅga 頭陀行 show some connection with the Baoliang jing 寶梁經 [probably referring to the Baoliang ju hui 寶梁聚會 Ratnarāsi in the Ratnakūṭa T310(44) --- MR], and the medicines 醫方 section was used by the Dāna chapter 施品 of the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488.

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Ono states that the Ugrapariprccha 郁伽長者所問經 [referring to the version preserved in the Ratnakuta, 郁伽長者會 T310(19)?] is often quoted in the *Dasabhumikavibhasa 十住毘婆沙論 (T1521). Further, he states that various chapters of T1521 (歸命相品, 五戒品, 知家過患品, and 入寺品) of T1521 were even written on the basis of the Ugrapariprccha. The explanations about the dhutanga 頭陀行 show some connection with the Baoliang jing 寶梁經 [probably referring to the Baoliang ju hui 寶梁聚會 Ratnarasi in the Ratnakuta T310(44) --- MR], and the medicines 醫方 section was used by the Dana chapter 施品 of the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488. T1521; 十住毘婆沙論

A “smaller [Prajñāpāramitā] sūtra” 小品經 is ascribed to Dharmarakṣa in LDSBJ. Ōno argues that this text has survived in the present canon as T226, where it is misidentified, as the end product of a series of confusions and errors.

The Taishō mistakenly identifies this text with the Mohe banre chao jing 摩訶般若鈔經 in five juan (T226, ascribed to *Dharmapriya 曇摩蜱 and Zhu Fonian 竺佛念). Ōno states that a Mohe banre chao jing [mentioned in historical sources as translated by *Dharmapriya and Fohu 佛護] cannot in fact have been the present T226, since the preface to the Dharmapriya/Fohu translation by Dao’an (in CSZJJ, T2145 [LV] 52b8-c26) records that the text was a “larger” Prajñapāramitā 大品經, while T226 is in fact a “smaller” 小品. [This would already imply that the ascription of the present T226 to Dharmapriya and Zhu Fonian is erroneous --- MR.]

Dao’an was involved in the translation of the Mohe banre chao jing 摩訶般若鈔經, and he gives the title as 摩訶鉢羅若波羅蜜經抄. However, the extant Mohe banre chao jing T226 does not contain the term boluore 鉢羅若 [for *prajñā] at all, instead using only banre 般若 throughout.

[Ōno clearly intends to imply by this that T226 cannot be the text Dao’an knew and helped to produce. In fact, however, 鉢羅若, in that exact orthography, is extremely rare, and excluding false hits across word boundaries, first occurs, in translation literature, in a single transcription of a dhāraṇī in *Jñānagupta/Jinagupta’s T993 (XIX) 510c9; and thereafter, always as part of the longer term 三摩地鉢羅若, a handful of times in Xuanzang’s T1605 and T1606; it is mentioned once by Jizang, so before or under the Sui, T1696 [XXXIII] 63c28. This surely introduces the possibility that it is some sort of later scribal error in the transmission of Daoan’s preface. --- MR.]

Ōno claims that, judging from its vocabulary, T226 is actually the “retranslation of the smaller [Prajñāpāramitā] sūtra 更出小品經 in seven juan ascribed to Dharmarakṣa in Dao’an’s catalogue. Ōno conjectures that the confusion about the nature of the text was probably partly occasioned by the loss of two juan from the text that became T226 (which now has five juan), or the fact that they were perhaps missing in the first place. This relative brevity in the text may have made it seem somehow suitable to identify it with an “excerpted” or “abridged” version of the sūtra 抄. The mistaken identification of the text has a long history. It is already seen in CSZJJ, and something corresponding to the 經抄 has always been recorded in catalogues as an extant text, but with varying titles. The title even differs between different printed editions of the canon.

To add further to the confusion, there is another misconception in traditional catalogues about this scripture. The title “lesser [Prajnāpāramitā] sūtra” 小品經, as ascribed to Dharmarakṣa, was listed as an extant “newer Aṣṭasāhasrikā prajñāparamitā” 新道行經 from Fajing onwards, but the text in question was in fact the “smaller Prajñāpāramitā” 小品般若經 of Kumārajīva (小品般若波羅蜜經 T227). Fajing records: 新道行經十卷(一名新小品經或七卷)(晉太始年竺法護譯) (T2146 [LV] 119b4). Catalogues down to DZKZM followed Fajing in this regard, but KYL pointed out that the text should be re-ascribed to Kumārajīva, commenting (in a note to the title) 新道行經:撿諸藏本並與小品般若文句全同者其本錯也。護公所譯新道行經時無其本(承聞東都有護譯本尋之未獲) ( T2154 [LV] 664a10-12).

Jingtai and DTNDL did not notice that the two titles 新道行經 and 小品般若經 referred to the same text, although both of them recorded that the two were the same length, viz., 154 sheets.

Ōno points out that this confusion occurred due to the fact that Kumārajīva’s “smaller Prajñāpāramitā” 小品般若 was in seven juan, and was also called the “new version of the lesser [sūtra]” 新小品. The name “retranslation of the smaller sūtra” 更出小品經 was used by Dao’an and Sengyou just for convenience. Ōno uses the name “smaller sūtra” 小品經 following LDSBJ and DTNDL.

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A “smaller [Prajnaparamita] sutra” 小品經 is ascribed to Dharmaraksa in LDSBJ. Ono argues that this text has survived in the present canon as T226, where it is misidentified, as the end product of a series of confusions and errors. The Taisho mistakenly identifies this text with the Mohe banre chao jing 摩訶般若鈔經 in five juan (T226, ascribed to *Dharmapriya 曇摩蜱 and Zhu Fonian 竺佛念). Ono states that a Mohe banre chao jing [mentioned in historical sources as translated by *Dharmapriya and Fohu 佛護] cannot in fact have been the present T226, since the preface to the Dharmapriya/Fohu translation by Dao’an (in CSZJJ, T2145 [LV] 52b8-c26) records that the text was a “larger” Prajnaparamita 大品經, while T226 is in fact a “smaller” 小品. [This would already imply that the ascription of the present T226 to Dharmapriya and Zhu Fonian is erroneous --- MR.] Dao’an was involved in the translation of the Mohe banre chao jing 摩訶般若鈔經, and he gives the title as 摩訶鉢羅若波羅蜜經抄. However, the extant Mohe banre chao jing T226 does not contain the term boluore 鉢羅若 [for *prajna] at all, instead using only banre 般若 throughout. [Ono clearly intends to imply by this that T226 cannot be the text Dao’an knew and helped to produce. In fact, however, 鉢羅若, in that exact orthography, is extremely rare, and excluding false hits across word boundaries, first occurs, in translation literature, in a single transcription of a dharani in *Jnanagupta/Jinagupta’s T993 (XIX) 510c9; and thereafter, always as part of the longer term 三摩地鉢羅若, a handful of times in Xuanzang’s T1605 and T1606; it is mentioned once by Jizang, so before or under the Sui, T1696 [XXXIII] 63c28. This surely introduces the possibility that it is some sort of later scribal error in the transmission of Daoan’s preface. --- MR.] Ono claims that, judging from its vocabulary, T226 is actually the “retranslation of the smaller [Prajnaparamita] sutra 更出小品經 in seven juan ascribed to Dharmaraksa in Dao’an’s catalogue. Ono conjectures that the confusion about the nature of the text was probably partly occasioned by the loss of two juan from the text that became T226 (which now has five juan), or the fact that they were perhaps missing in the first place. This relative brevity in the text may have made it seem somehow suitable to identify it with an “excerpted” or “abridged” version of the sutra 抄. The mistaken identification of the text has a long history. It is already seen in CSZJJ, and something corresponding to the 經抄 has always been recorded in catalogues as an extant text, but with varying titles. The title even differs between different printed editions of the canon. To add further to the confusion, there is another misconception in traditional catalogues about this scripture. The title “lesser [Prajnaparamita] sutra” 小品經, as ascribed to Dharmaraksa, was listed as an extant “newer Astasahasrika prajnaparamita” 新道行經 from Fajing onwards, but the text in question was in fact the “smaller Prajnaparamita” 小品般若經 of Kumarajiva (小品般若波羅蜜經 T227). Fajing records: 新道行經十卷(一名新小品經或七卷)(晉太始年竺法護譯) (T2146 [LV] 119b4). Catalogues down to DZKZM followed Fajing in this regard, but KYL pointed out that the text should be re-ascribed to Kumarajiva, commenting (in a note to the title) 新道行經:撿諸藏本並與小品般若文句全同者其本錯也。護公所譯新道行經時無其本(承聞東都有護譯本尋之未獲) ( T2154 [LV] 664a10-12). Jingtai and DTNDL did not notice that the two titles 新道行經 and 小品般若經 referred to the same text, although both of them recorded that the two were the same length, viz., 154 sheets. Ono points out that this confusion occurred due to the fact that Kumarajiva’s “smaller Prajnaparamita” 小品般若 was in seven juan, and was also called the “new version of the lesser [sutra]” 新小品. The name “retranslation of the smaller sutra” 更出小品經 was used by Dao’an and Sengyou just for convenience. Ono uses the name “smaller sutra” 小品經 following LDSBJ and DTNDL. Dharmaraksa 竺法護, 曇摩羅察 T0226; 摩訶般若鈔經; Mohe boluore boluomi jing chao 摩訶鉢羅若波羅蜜經抄

Dao’an was involved in the translation of the Mohe banre chao jing 摩訶般若鈔經, and he gives the title as 摩訶鉢羅若波羅蜜經抄. However, the extant T226 does not contain the term boluore 鉢羅若 [for *prajñā] at all, instead using only banre 般若 throughout.

[Ōno clearly intends to imply by this that T226 cannot be the text Daoan knew and helped to produce, which should therefore be lost. In fact, however, 鉢羅若, in that exact orthography, is extremely rare, and excluding false hits across word boundaries, first occurs, in translation literature, in a single transcription of a dhāraṇī in *Jñānagupta/Jinagupta’s T993 [XIX] 510c9; and thereafter, always as part of the longer term 三摩地鉢羅若, a handful of times in Xuanzang’s T1605 and T1606; it is mentioned once by Jizang, so before or under the Sui, T1696 [XXXIII] 63c28. This surely introduces the possibility that it is some sort of later scribal error in the transmission of Daoan’s preface. --- MR.]

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Dao’an was involved in the translation of the Mohe banre chao jing 摩訶般若鈔經, and he gives the title as 摩訶鉢羅若波羅蜜經抄. However, the extant T226 does not contain the term boluore 鉢羅若 [for *prajna] at all, instead using only banre 般若 throughout. [Ono clearly intends to imply by this that T226 cannot be the text Daoan knew and helped to produce, which should therefore be lost. In fact, however, 鉢羅若, in that exact orthography, is extremely rare, and excluding false hits across word boundaries, first occurs, in translation literature, in a single transcription of a dharani in *Jnanagupta/Jinagupta’s T993 [XIX] 510c9; and thereafter, always as part of the longer term 三摩地鉢羅若, a handful of times in Xuanzang’s T1605 and T1606; it is mentioned once by Jizang, so before or under the Sui, T1696 [XXXIII] 63c28. This surely introduces the possibility that it is some sort of later scribal error in the transmission of Daoan’s preface. --- MR.] Dao'an 道安 Dharmapriya, 曇摩蜱 Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 Mohe boluore boluomi jing chao 摩訶鉢羅若波羅蜜經抄

Ōno states that there are three alternate translation of the Paramārthasaṃvṛtisatya-nirdeśa. The oldest among them is the Wenshushili jing lü jing 文殊師利淨律經 T460 ascribed to Dharmarakṣa. According to the postface 翻譯後記 (in CSZJJ T2145 [LV] 51b8-13), the text of T460 was recited by Jizhi 寂志 (*Śramaṇa?), translated by Dharmarakṣa, with Nie Daocheng 聶道眞 as amanuensis 筆受. Approximately six columns 六段 are missing in this translation, because the reciter forgot that part.

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Ono states that there are three alternate translation of the Paramarthasamvrtisatya-nirdesa. The oldest among them is the Wenshushili jing lu jing 文殊師利淨律經 T460 ascribed to Dharmaraksa. According to the postface 翻譯後記 (in CSZJJ T2145 [LV] 51b8-13), the text of T460 was recited by Jizhi 寂志 (*Sramana?), translated by Dharmaraksa, with Nie Daocheng 聶道眞 as amanuensis 筆受. Approximately six columns 六段 are missing in this translation, because the reciter forgot that part. Dharmaraksa 竺法護, 曇摩羅察 Nie Daocheng 聶道眞 T0460; 佛說文殊師利淨律經

The second oldest translation of the Paramārthasaṃvṛtisatya-nirdeśa is the Qingjing pini fangguang jing 清淨毘尼方廣經 T1489. Ōno states that the current ascription to Kumārajīva came from KYL, following Fashang 法上錄. Ōno maintains that judging from the vocabulary, this ascription is acceptable. The ascription of the text to Dharmarakṣa given by catalogues before KYL is incorrect, and is based upon a confusion of T1489 with the Wenshushili jing lü jing 文殊師利淨律經 T460.

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The second oldest translation of the Paramarthasamvrtisatya-nirdesa is the Qingjing pini fangguang jing 清淨毘尼方廣經 T1489. Ono states that the current ascription to Kumarajiva came from KYL, following Fashang 法上錄. Ono maintains that judging from the vocabulary, this ascription is acceptable. The ascription of the text to Dharmaraksa given by catalogues before KYL is incorrect, and is based upon a confusion of T1489 with the Wenshushili jing lu jing 文殊師利淨律經 T460. Kumarajiva 鳩摩羅什, 鳩摩羅, 究摩羅, 究摩羅什, 拘摩羅耆婆 T1489; 清淨毘尼方廣經

The third oldest translation of the Paramārthasaṃvṛtisatya-nirdeśa is the Jitiaoyin suowen jing 寂調音所問經 T1490. The ascription of the text to Fahai 法海 of the Liu Song came from LDSBJ, citing the Shixing catalogue 始興錄 and Fashang. Other catalogues down to KYL 諸經[sic]乃至開元錄 followed LDSBJ and gave the same ascription. Ōno admits that the vocabulary of T1490 is that of the Liu Song period. Still, he points out that the title Jitiaoyin suowen jing is listed as an anonymous scripture in CSZJJ, and so too in LDSBJ (fourth juan), DTNDL, and other catalogues. [Ōno does not say which of the two views he thinks is more plausible ---AI .]

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The third oldest translation of the Paramarthasamvrtisatya-nirdesa is the Jitiaoyin suowen jing 寂調音所問經 T1490. The ascription of the text to Fahai 法海 of the Liu Song came from LDSBJ, citing the Shixing catalogue 始興錄 and Fashang. Other catalogues down to KYL 諸經[sic]乃至開元錄 followed LDSBJ and gave the same ascription. Ono admits that the vocabulary of T1490 is that of the Liu Song period. Still, he points out that the title Jitiaoyin suowen jing is listed as an anonymous scripture in CSZJJ, and so too in LDSBJ (fourth juan), DTNDL, and other catalogues. [Ono does not say which of the two views he thinks is more plausible ---AI .] T1490; Rulai suoshuo qingjing tiaofu 如來所說清淨調伏; 寂調音所問經

Ōno states that the Kāśyapaparivarta (the 遺日摩尼寶經 T350) was developed later into a variety of texts, including the "Ratnakūṭa" (Dabaoji jing) 大寶積經 in one juan, anonymous scripture of Latter Qin 後秦(viz., 第四十三普明菩薩會 T310[43]).

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Ono states that the Kasyapaparivarta (the 遺日摩尼寶經 T350) was developed later into a variety of texts, including the "Ratnakuta" (Dabaoji jing) 大寶積經 in one juan, anonymous scripture of Latter Qin 後秦(viz., 第四十三普明菩薩會 T310[43]). T310(43); Puming pusa hui 普明菩薩會

According to Ōno, the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing 三十五佛名經 is an excerpt from the section on the thirty-five Buddhas 三十五佛 in the *Vinayaviniścaya 決定毘尼經 T325 (Upāli-paripṛcchā), which first listed those Buddhas in its section on rites of contrition 懺悔法. The contrition rite with the names of thirty-five Buddhas was so popular, also in India, that the Sanshiwu Fo ming lichan wen 三十五佛名禮懺文 T326 (Upāli-paripṛcchā) was also produced there.

The title Sanshiwu Fo ming jing is listed in CSZJJ, with a note stating that it was excerpted from T325 出決定毘尼經. This scripture was not included in the canon since it was an offshoot text 別生, and was eventually considered as missing 缺本. Ōno points out, however, that this text is preserved in the Za lu 雜錄, a collection of excerpt texts 抄出經 attached to the Korean and Song editions of the Ākāśagarbha Contemplation Sūtra 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409. He infers that the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing was probably attached to T409 because T409 advocated the chanting of the thirty-five Buddha names for redemption, but did not itself originally present those names. Other excerpts were also added to T409 following the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing.

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According to Ono, the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing 三十五佛名經 is an excerpt from the section on the thirty-five Buddhas 三十五佛 in the *Vinayaviniscaya 決定毘尼經 T325 (Upali-pariprccha), which first listed those Buddhas in its section on rites of contrition 懺悔法. The contrition rite with the names of thirty-five Buddhas was so popular, also in India, that the Sanshiwu Fo ming lichan wen 三十五佛名禮懺文 T326 (Upali-pariprccha) was also produced there. The title Sanshiwu Fo ming jing is listed in CSZJJ, with a note stating that it was excerpted from T325 出決定毘尼經. This scripture was not included in the canon since it was an offshoot text 別生, and was eventually considered as missing 缺本. Ono points out, however, that this text is preserved in the Za lu 雜錄, a collection of excerpt texts 抄出經 attached to the Korean and Song editions of the Akasagarbha Contemplation Sutra 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409. He infers that the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing was probably attached to T409 because T409 advocated the chanting of the thirty-five Buddha names for redemption, but did not itself originally present those names. Other excerpts were also added to T409 following the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing. Sanshiwu Fo ming jing 三十五佛名經 T0409; 觀虛空藏菩薩經

Ōno points out that the so-called *Kāśyapasaṃvara-sūtra(?) 迦葉禁戒經 T1469, ascribed to Juqu Jingsheng, is a digest of sections from the Chinese translation of the Kāśyapaparivarta entitled 遺日摩尼寶經 T350, which is ascribed [incorrectly in Ōno’s view] to *Lokakṣema 支婁迦讖; and further, that although traditional catalogues regarded this short text (T1469) as a “hīnayāna” scripture, it certainly belongs to the Mahāyāna, since it is an excerpt of the Monibao jing 摩尼寶經. Ōno asserts on the basis of comparison that T350 must be the source of T1469, rather than the other way around. T1469 is mentioned in Dao'an's catalogue, and on that basis, Ōno asserts that T374 is a terminus ante quem (following Hayashiya for the date of 374).

Acoording to Ōno, until KYL, T1469 circulated under different titles, which were regarded as different texts and given varying ascriptions. Ōno considers this to be a characteristic feature of texts that were not "proper translation sūtras" 正譯經. In CSZJJ, T1469 was listed as the 迦葉戒經或云迦葉禁戒經 in Daoan´s catalogue of anonymous scriptures 安公失譯錄, and also as the 真偽沙門經一卷(或云真偽經) in the main section of the newly compiled [catalogue] of anonymous extant texts 新集失譯有本部; and Fajing lists the 摩訶比丘經一卷(一名真偽沙門經) and the 迦葉禁戒經一卷 next to each other. It was KYL that pointed out that all of these titles are alternate titles for the same text, and recorded that text under the title 迦葉禁戒經.

Traditional catalogues proposed four different views about the ascription of T1469: 1) Dao’an, Fajing, Yancong 彥琮錄, and the catalogue of anonymous “hīnayāna” Vinaya texts 小乗毘尼失譯錄 of LDSBJ list it as anonymous; 2) LDSBJ (in juan ten, citing the Bie lu 別錄), DTNDL, the Gu jin yijing tu ji 古今譯經圖紀 T2151, DZKZM, KYL, the Zhenyuan 貞元 catalogue T2156 (and the Taishō) ascribe it to Juqu Jingsheng 沮渠京聲 of the Song period (however, Ōno points out that the vocabulary of the text is older than that of the Song); 3) LDSBJ (in juan seven, citing the anonymous Shixing lu 始興錄), and DTNDL and the Zhenyuan catalogue following LDSBJ, ascribe the text to Tui gong 退公 of the E. Jin (however, Ōno comments that this ascription is hard to buy); and 4) LDSBJ (in juan ten), DTNDL, Gu jin yijing tu ji, DZKZM and others, ascribe the text to Huijian 慧簡 of the Song period (KYL excised this ascription). (107-108).

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Ono points out that the so-called *Kasyapasamvara-sutra(?) 迦葉禁戒經 T1469, ascribed to Juqu Jingsheng, is a digest of sections from the Chinese translation of the Kasyapaparivarta entitled 遺日摩尼寶經 T350, which is ascribed [incorrectly in Ono’s view] to *Lokaksema 支婁迦讖; and further, that although traditional catalogues regarded this short text (T1469) as a “hinayana” scripture, it certainly belongs to the Mahayana, since it is an excerpt of the Monibao jing 摩尼寶經. Ono asserts on the basis of comparison that T350 must be the source of T1469, rather than the other way around. T1469 is mentioned in Dao'an's catalogue, and on that basis, Ono asserts that T374 is a terminus ante quem (following Hayashiya for the date of 374). Acoording to Ono, until KYL, T1469 circulated under different titles, which were regarded as different texts and given varying ascriptions. Ono considers this to be a characteristic feature of texts that were not "proper translation sutras" 正譯經. In CSZJJ, T1469 was listed as the 迦葉戒經或云迦葉禁戒經 in Daoan s catalogue of anonymous scriptures 安公失譯錄, and also as the 真偽沙門經一卷(或云真偽經) in the main section of the newly compiled [catalogue] of anonymous extant texts 新集失譯有本部; and Fajing lists the 摩訶比丘經一卷(一名真偽沙門經) and the 迦葉禁戒經一卷 next to each other. It was KYL that pointed out that all of these titles are alternate titles for the same text, and recorded that text under the title 迦葉禁戒經. Traditional catalogues proposed four different views about the ascription of T1469: 1) Dao’an, Fajing, Yancong 彥琮錄, and the catalogue of anonymous “hinayana” Vinaya texts 小乗毘尼失譯錄 of LDSBJ list it as anonymous; 2) LDSBJ (in juan ten, citing the Bie lu 別錄), DTNDL, the Gu jin yijing tu ji 古今譯經圖紀 T2151, DZKZM, KYL, the Zhenyuan 貞元 catalogue T2156 (and the Taisho) ascribe it to Juqu Jingsheng 沮渠京聲 of the Song period (however, Ono points out that the vocabulary of the text is older than that of the Song); 3) LDSBJ (in juan seven, citing the anonymous Shixing lu 始興錄), and DTNDL and the Zhenyuan catalogue following LDSBJ, ascribe the text to Tui gong 退公 of the E. Jin (however, Ono comments that this ascription is hard to buy); and 4) LDSBJ (in juan ten), DTNDL, Gu jin yijing tu ji, DZKZM and others, ascribe the text to Huijian 慧簡 of the Song period (KYL excised this ascription). (107-108). T1469; 佛說迦葉禁戒經; 眞僞沙門經, 摩訶比丘經, 眞僞經, ; 迦葉戒經; Jiashe jie jing 迦葉戒經

Ōno claims that the ascription of the Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經 T1502 to Nie Daozhen is dubious, since it was given first by LDSBJ citing the Bie lu 別錄, which was then followed by DZKZM and KYL. Dao’an’s catalogue lists an extant Pusa zhai fa, with alternate titles Pusa zheng zhai jing and Chi zhai jing 菩薩齋法一卷(一名菩薩正齋經一名持齋經), and a missing 缺本 Pusa zhai fa, with alternate titles Pusa zhai jing and Xianshou pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋法一卷(舊錄云菩薩齋經或云賢首菩薩齋經), ascribing both to Dharmarakṣa. Sengyou also lists an extant anonymous Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經 in one juan. Catalogues since Fajing regard the two scriptures recorded by Dao’an as lost, and the Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經 listed by Sengyou as extant, namely, T1502. KYL regards the two texts listed in Dao’an as one and the same scripture, while adding a Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經 ascribed to *Gītamitra 祇多蜜, as listed in LDSBJ. Zhisheng (author of KYL) thus concludes that there are three alternate translations, one extant and the other two lost 前後三譯、一存二缺.

Despite those records in catalogues, Ōno points out that, while the vocabulary of T1502 may be that of the W. Jin period, it is not certain if it is a proper translation text at all, judging from the phraseology 辭句. Thus, he suggests that T1502 may have even been composed in China 中國成立.

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Ono claims that the ascription of the Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經 T1502 to Nie Daozhen is dubious, since it was given first by LDSBJ citing the Bie lu 別錄, which was then followed by DZKZM and KYL. Dao’an’s catalogue lists an extant Pusa zhai fa, with alternate titles Pusa zheng zhai jing and Chi zhai jing 菩薩齋法一卷(一名菩薩正齋經一名持齋經), and a missing 缺本 Pusa zhai fa, with alternate titles Pusa zhai jing and Xianshou pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋法一卷(舊錄云菩薩齋經或云賢首菩薩齋經), ascribing both to Dharmaraksa. Sengyou also lists an extant anonymous Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經 in one juan. Catalogues since Fajing regard the two scriptures recorded by Dao’an as lost, and the Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經 listed by Sengyou as extant, namely, T1502. KYL regards the two texts listed in Dao’an as one and the same scripture, while adding a Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經 ascribed to *Gitamitra 祇多蜜, as listed in LDSBJ. Zhisheng (author of KYL) thus concludes that there are three alternate translations, one extant and the other two lost 前後三譯、一存二缺. Despite those records in catalogues, Ono points out that, while the vocabulary of T1502 may be that of the W. Jin period, it is not certain if it is a proper translation text at all, judging from the phraseology 辭句. Thus, he suggests that T1502 may have even been composed in China 中國成立. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1502; 菩薩受齋經

Ōno maintains that the *Triskandhaka/Shelifu hui guo jing 舍利弗悔過經 T1492 is Dharmarakṣa’s work, as stated in catalogues from Sengyou, Fajing through to DZKZM and others, with the date of translation being Tai’an 太安 2 (303 CE). It uses terms such as 勸樂助喜 for anumodanā 随喜; 勸勉 or 勸樂 for *adhi/iṣ 勸請; and 布施 or 施與 for 回向. The ascription of this scripture to An Shigao in the Taishō comes from KYL. According to Ōno, DZKZM listed this title with three different ascriptions: to Dharmarakṣa, to An Shigao (following LDSBJ), and to Kumārajīva (following Fashang). Zhisheng maintained that one of these supposed three texts, T1492, was extant, and the other two were lost 一存二缺, ascribing the extant T1492 incorrectly to An Shigao.

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Ono maintains that the *Triskandhaka/Shelifu hui guo jing 舍利弗悔過經 T1492 is Dharmaraksa’s work, as stated in catalogues from Sengyou, Fajing through to DZKZM and others, with the date of translation being Tai’an 太安 2 (303 CE). It uses terms such as 勸樂助喜 for anumodana 随喜; 勸勉 or 勸樂 for *adhi/is 勸請; and 布施 or 施與 for 回向. The ascription of this scripture to An Shigao in the Taisho comes from KYL. According to Ono, DZKZM listed this title with three different ascriptions: to Dharmaraksa, to An Shigao (following LDSBJ), and to Kumarajiva (following Fashang). Zhisheng maintained that one of these supposed three texts, T1492, was extant, and the other two were lost 一存二缺, ascribing the extant T1492 incorrectly to An Shigao. Dharmaraksa 竺法護, 曇摩羅察 T1492; 佛說舍利弗悔過經

Ōno states that roughly the half of the Shouhu guojie zhu tuoluoni jing 守護國界主陀羅尼經 T997 is taken from the Tathāgatamahākaruṇā-nirdeśa 大哀經 T398.

Ōno maintains, citing Ono 小野, that the details of the translation of T997 should be treated as characterised in the original version of the Zhenyuan catalogue 貞元錄 T2156, viz., as translated by *Prajña 般若 and Muniśri 牟尼室利 in Zhenyuan 貞元 16 of the Tang period (800 CE). In the present canon 現藏, however, the Zhenyuan catalogue lists the Xin di guan jing 心地觀經 T159 and T997 together, noting that both were “translated in 貞元 6” (590). Ōno claims that this is an incorrect record added later, as those two entries do not appear in the Shōgozō version 聖語藏本 of T2156. He adds that 貞元 6 is also incorrect as the date of translation of the Xin di guan jing, since that scripture is known to have been translated in Yuanhe 元和 6 (811).

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Ono states that roughly the half of the Shouhu guojie zhu tuoluoni jing 守護國界主陀羅尼經 T997 is taken from the Tathagatamahakaruna-nirdesa 大哀經 T398. Ono maintains, citing Ono 小野, that the details of the translation of T997 should be treated as characterised in the original version of the Zhenyuan catalogue 貞元錄 T2156, viz., as translated by *Prajna 般若 and Munisri 牟尼室利 in Zhenyuan 貞元 16 of the Tang period (800 CE). In the present canon 現藏, however, the Zhenyuan catalogue lists the Xin di guan jing 心地觀經 T159 and T997 together, noting that both were “translated in 貞元 6” (590). Ono claims that this is an incorrect record added later, as those two entries do not appear in the Shogozo version 聖語藏本 of T2156. He adds that 貞元 6 is also incorrect as the date of translation of the Xin di guan jing, since that scripture is known to have been translated in Yuanhe 元和 6 (811). T0997; 守護國界主陀羅尼經

According to Ōno, the ascription of the Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra 無量清淨平等覺經 T361 to *Lokakṣema in the Taishō
came from KYL. Ōno claims that this ascription should not be accepted, since many of the vocabulary items in T361 were not used by *Lokakṣema. Before KYL, LDSBJ lists this title in the group of *Lokakṣema’s translation works, but Ōno points out that LDSBJ also ascribes the same title to other two translators, so that LDSBJ as a whole is indeterminate on the ascription of this title.

The scholars before KYL who actually saw T361 gave two different ascriptions other than that to *Lokakṣema: CSZJJ (like LDSBJ juan 6) ascribes it to Dharmarakṣa; and Yancong, Jingtai, DTNDL, DZKZM, Fajing and GSZ (like LDSBJ juan 5) ascribe it to Bo Yan 帛延 of the Cao Wei 曹魏 period (174).

Ōno himself supports the ascription to Bo Yan. Still, Ōno admits that it may appear that the ascription to Dharmarakṣa is more plausible because it was given by Sengyou, LDSBJ provides a specific date of translation for it, and the vocabulary of T361 has a lot in common with that of the Guangzan jing 光讃經 T222 and Dharmarakṣa’s Lotus 正法華經 T263.

Ōno supports the ascription to Bo Yan for the following reasons: CSZJJ used the title 無量清淨平等覺經 as an alternate title for the Wuliiangshou jing 無量壽經 in two juan ascribed to Dharmarakṣa. This Wuliangshou jing was first listed in Dao’an’s catalogue. Ōno argues that the scripture that Dao’an saw was not T361, because ) if he had seen it (and ascribed it to Dharmarakṣa), he would not have used in the title the name Wuliangshou , which does not appear in the text even once, 2) if he had seen T361 as well as the Dharmarakṣa’s Wuliangshou jing (assuming that it existed), Dao’an would have listed T361 independently of the Wuliangshou jing, and 3) if Dharmarakṣa’s Wuliangshou jing was missing, and Dao’an identified T361 with that title, it would be difficult to see the reason for that identification.

Ōno goes on to consider in further detail the likely circumstances that led to the misascription of T361 on page 174 and 175.

The vocabulary of T361 contains both words typical of Dharmarakṣa, and words that he did not use. For example, while Dharmarakṣa uses terms such as 我等, 汝等, 無量壽佛, 光世音, 大勢至 (o r 得大勢), and 江河沙, T361 uses 我曹, 若曹, 無量清淨佛, 廅樓亘, 摩訶那鉢, 恒水邊流沙. Ōno thinks that such differences indicate that the T361 is not Dharmarakṣa’s work.

Ōno admits, however, that there is no decisive evidence that endorses the ascription of T361 to Bo Yan. The oldest material that ascribes the text to him is GSZ, and the [supposed] Jin catalogue 晋世雜錄 by Zhu Daozu 竺道祖. Ōno assumes that there were more material that supported this ascription, since Fajing, who was influenced by various catalogues in the Northern and Southern Dynasties 南北朝 period, accepts the ascription. The Xulai jing 須賴經 T328 is the only extant work of Bo Yan. T361 has only words such as 我曹 and 若曹 in common with T328, while also using different terms from the ones used in T361, such as 布施持戒忍辱精進禪衆智慧 for the six perfections. Thus, Ōno states that the main reason to suspect that T361 should be reascribed to Bo Yan is a negative one, that the ascription to Dharmarakṣa is too hard to buy.

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According to Ono, the ascription of the Sukhavativyuha-sutra 無量清淨平等覺經 T361 to *Lokaksema in the Taisho came from KYL. Ono claims that this ascription should not be accepted, since many of the vocabulary items in T361 were not used by *Lokaksema. Before KYL, LDSBJ lists this title in the group of *Lokaksema’s translation works, but Ono points out that LDSBJ also ascribes the same title to other two translators, so that LDSBJ as a whole is indeterminate on the ascription of this title. The scholars before KYL who actually saw T361 gave two different ascriptions other than that to *Lokaksema: CSZJJ (like LDSBJ juan 6) ascribes it to Dharmaraksa; and Yancong, Jingtai, DTNDL, DZKZM, Fajing and GSZ (like LDSBJ juan 5) ascribe it to Bo Yan 帛延 of the Cao Wei 曹魏 period (174). Ono himself supports the ascription to Bo Yan. Still, Ono admits that it may appear that the ascription to Dharmaraksa is more plausible because it was given by Sengyou, LDSBJ provides a specific date of translation for it, and the vocabulary of T361 has a lot in common with that of the Guangzan jing 光讃經 T222 and Dharmaraksa’s Lotus 正法華經 T263. Ono supports the ascription to Bo Yan for the following reasons: CSZJJ used the title 無量清淨平等覺經 as an alternate title for the Wuliiangshou jing 無量壽經 in two juan ascribed to Dharmaraksa. This Wuliangshou jing was first listed in Dao’an’s catalogue. Ono argues that the scripture that Dao’an saw was not T361, because ) if he had seen it (and ascribed it to Dharmaraksa), he would not have used in the title the name Wuliangshou , which does not appear in the text even once, 2) if he had seen T361 as well as the Dharmaraksa’s Wuliangshou jing (assuming that it existed), Dao’an would have listed T361 independently of the Wuliangshou jing, and 3) if Dharmaraksa’s Wuliangshou jing was missing, and Dao’an identified T361 with that title, it would be difficult to see the reason for that identification. Ono goes on to consider in further detail the likely circumstances that led to the misascription of T361 on page 174 and 175. The vocabulary of T361 contains both words typical of Dharmaraksa, and words that he did not use. For example, while Dharmaraksa uses terms such as 我等, 汝等, 無量壽佛, 光世音, 大勢至 (o r 得大勢), and 江河沙, T361 uses 我曹, 若曹, 無量清淨佛, 廅樓亘, 摩訶那鉢, 恒水邊流沙. Ono thinks that such differences indicate that the T361 is not Dharmaraksa’s work. Ono admits, however, that there is no decisive evidence that endorses the ascription of T361 to Bo Yan. The oldest material that ascribes the text to him is GSZ, and the [supposed] Jin catalogue 晋世雜錄 by Zhu Daozu 竺道祖. Ono assumes that there were more material that supported this ascription, since Fajing, who was influenced by various catalogues in the Northern and Southern Dynasties 南北朝 period, accepts the ascription. The Xulai jing 須賴經 T328 is the only extant work of Bo Yan. T361 has only words such as 我曹 and 若曹 in common with T328, while also using different terms from the ones used in T361, such as 布施持戒忍辱精進禪衆智慧 for the six perfections. Thus, Ono states that the main reason to suspect that T361 should be reascribed to Bo Yan is a negative one, that the ascription to Dharmaraksa is too hard to buy. T0361; 佛說無量清淨平等覺經

Ōno states that three different attributions are given in traditional catalogues for the “Contemplation Sūtra” 觀無量壽經 T365:

1) Sengyou classifies it as an extant anonymous scripture;

2) the Baochang catalogue 寶唱錄 (as cited in KYL) ascribes it to *Dharmamitra 曇摩蜜多 of the (Liu) Song period; and

3) GSZ, Fajing and other catalogues, and the catalogue of the Song and Qi periods 宋齊錄 by Daohui 道慧 (as cited in LDSBJ) ascribe the text to Kālayaśas 畺良耶舍 of the (Liu) Song period.

In addition, LDSBJ also lists the text as an anonymous scripture of the Latter Han period (in juan 4) and as an anonymous scripture of the E. Jin period (in juan 7). Ōno supports the ascription to Kālayaśas, stating that CSZJJ does not record the works of Kālayaśas at all.

Ōno adds that the tradition that T365 is an alternate translation 重譯 of a lost scripture ascribed to *Dharmamitra (in DZKZM and KYL) is mistaken, and Fajing is correct in stating that T365 is a unique translation 一譯 (單譯).

Edit

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Ono states that three different attributions are given in traditional catalogues for the “Contemplation Sutra” 觀無量壽經 T365: 1) Sengyou classifies it as an extant anonymous scripture; 2) the Baochang catalogue 寶唱錄 (as cited in KYL) ascribes it to *Dharmamitra 曇摩蜜多 of the (Liu) Song period; and 3) GSZ, Fajing and other catalogues, and the catalogue of the Song and Qi periods 宋齊錄 by Daohui 道慧 (as cited in LDSBJ) ascribe the text to Kalayasas 畺良耶舍 of the (Liu) Song period. In addition, LDSBJ also lists the text as an anonymous scripture of the Latter Han period (in juan 4) and as an anonymous scripture of the E. Jin period (in juan 7). Ono supports the ascription to Kalayasas, stating that CSZJJ does not record the works of Kalayasas at all. Ono adds that the tradition that T365 is an alternate translation 重譯 of a lost scripture ascribed to *Dharmamitra (in DZKZM and KYL) is mistaken, and Fajing is correct in stating that T365 is a unique translation 一譯 (單譯). Kalayasas, 畺良耶舍 T0365; 佛說觀無量壽佛經

Ōno points out that the title Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持經 was first used for T1581 by KYL. Before that, Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經 was most commonly used as the title.

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Ono points out that the title Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持經 was first used for T1581 by KYL. Before that, Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經 was most commonly used as the title. T1581; 菩薩地持經; Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經

Since the Liang 梁 period, the [Pusa] Shan jie jing [菩薩]善戒經 T1582/T1583 has been considered an alternate translation of the [Pusa] Di chi jing [菩薩]地持經 (Bodhisatvabhūmi) T1581. Ōno states that this view is mistaken. The one juan version of the text, T1583, with the alternate title Youpoli wen pusa shou jie jing 優波離問菩薩受戒法 corresponds to juan 5 of T1581. These two texts are almost identical in structure.

Ōno points out that it is odd that T1583 came to be treated as an independent text from T1582. In fact, it should have been included in T1582 as juan 5. [However, note that Ōno also considers another one-juan text with a similar title, which he conjectures was an excerpt of the chapters related to precepts from the full ten-juan text, used as a manual for the actual practice of precepts.] According to Ōno, this oddity started when Jingtai 靜泰 found the one-juan text [T1583], which had long been lost, and listed it as the Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經 in one juan, fifteen sheets, treating the text as a rediscovered lost scripture. On this basis, KYL listed the nine-juan version T1582 and T1583 separately, the former as the alternate translation of T1581, and the latter as an independent scripture.

Catalogues including CSZJJ, GSZ, and other materials ascribe the Shan jie jing 善戒經 [i.e. the totality comprising T1582 and T1583] to *Guṇavarman 求那跋摩, and say that it was translated in Yuanjia 元嘉 8 (431).

Ōno introduces traditions about the process of translation of this scripture, though he warns that this information may well be unreliable. According to GSZ, the translation process did not go smoothly, and *Guṇavarman translated only 28 chapters in eight juan (of 30 chapters in ten juan). The remaining two chapters in two juan (序品 and 戒品) were translated by his disciple(s). These two chapters were lost for a time, but later refound, and added back to the text. The resulting ten juan text was titled Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經. The chapter structure was subsequently set by Baochang 寶唱 at imperial behest.

Ōno points out that the Shan jie jing comprising T1582 and T1583 was produced by revision of T1581, to meet a demand for an independent a scripture featuring the precepts. The major points of this revision are: 1) The inclusion of the *Vinayaviniścaya-sūtra(?) 決定毘尼經 T325, ascribed to “the Dunhuang Trepiṭaka” 燉煌三藏 [who is usually identified with Dharmarakṣa] (with modifications) as the introduction 序品; 2) The addition of expressions related to precepts; 3) the addition of conditions to the observance of bodhisatva precepts 菩薩戒; and 4) modifications of the precept clauses. Among these, 3) and 4) appear in T1583. Ōno quotes some of the major additions of precept-related expressions (196-197) and claims that, in light of such significant additions, it is not appropriate to regard the Shan jie jing as an alternate translation of T1581. He adds that the Shan jie jing is a unique case, in which a certain scripture has been transformed into a new one, while preserving the basic structure, and that this unique situation is a reflection of the enthusiastic demand for Māhāyāna precepts.

Sengyou comments, after comparing the Shan jie jing (presumably T1582) and the Pusa di chi jing, that the two texts are largely identical in wording, with minor variations in titles and chapter divisions in a couple of chapters, so that the differences between the two are not sufficient to regard the two texts as alternate translations by different translators, but rather, the two should represent basically the same text; but that the order of the texts differs widely between the two, so that T1582 is actually something of a chaotic shambles (檢此兩本。文句悉同。唯一兩品分品品名小小有異。義亦不殊。既更不見有異人重出。推之應是一經。而諸品亂雜前後參差; T2145 [LV] 63a1-4). Ōno conjectures that this disorder is an indication that T1582/T1583 is a revised version of T1581. He also points out that the story that the 序品 and 戒品 were once lost probably reflects the fact that the *Vinayaviniścaya was not originally included in the 序品, and that the one-juan “version” of the text came free and circulated independently.

Edit

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Since the Liang 梁 period, the [Pusa] Shan jie jing [菩薩]善戒經 T1582/T1583 has been considered an alternate translation of the [Pusa] Di chi jing [菩薩]地持經 (Bodhisatvabhumi) T1581. Ono states that this view is mistaken. The one juan version of the text, T1583, with the alternate title Youpoli wen pusa shou jie jing 優波離問菩薩受戒法 corresponds to juan 5 of T1581. These two texts are almost identical in structure. Ono points out that it is odd that T1583 came to be treated as an independent text from T1582. In fact, it should have been included in T1582 as juan 5. [However, note that Ono also considers another one-juan text with a similar title, which he conjectures was an excerpt of the chapters related to precepts from the full ten-juan text, used as a manual for the actual practice of precepts.] According to Ono, this oddity started when Jingtai 靜泰 found the one-juan text [T1583], which had long been lost, and listed it as the Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經 in one juan, fifteen sheets, treating the text as a rediscovered lost scripture. On this basis, KYL listed the nine-juan version T1582 and T1583 separately, the former as the alternate translation of T1581, and the latter as an independent scripture. Catalogues including CSZJJ, GSZ, and other materials ascribe the Shan jie jing 善戒經 [i.e. the totality comprising T1582 and T1583] to *Gunavarman 求那跋摩, and say that it was translated in Yuanjia 元嘉 8 (431). Ono introduces traditions about the process of translation of this scripture, though he warns that this information may well be unreliable. According to GSZ, the translation process did not go smoothly, and *Gunavarman translated only 28 chapters in eight juan (of 30 chapters in ten juan). The remaining two chapters in two juan (序品 and 戒品) were translated by his disciple(s). These two chapters were lost for a time, but later refound, and added back to the text. The resulting ten juan text was titled Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經. The chapter structure was subsequently set by Baochang 寶唱 at imperial behest. Ono points out that the Shan jie jing comprising T1582 and T1583 was produced by revision of T1581, to meet a demand for an independent a scripture featuring the precepts. The major points of this revision are: 1) The inclusion of the *Vinayaviniscaya-sutra(?) 決定毘尼經 T325, ascribed to “the Dunhuang Trepitaka” 燉煌三藏 [who is usually identified with Dharmaraksa] (with modifications) as the introduction 序品; 2) The addition of expressions related to precepts; 3) the addition of conditions to the observance of bodhisatva precepts 菩薩戒; and 4) modifications of the precept clauses. Among these, 3) and 4) appear in T1583. Ono quotes some of the major additions of precept-related expressions (196-197) and claims that, in light of such significant additions, it is not appropriate to regard the Shan jie jing as an alternate translation of T1581. He adds that the Shan jie jing is a unique case, in which a certain scripture has been transformed into a new one, while preserving the basic structure, and that this unique situation is a reflection of the enthusiastic demand for Mahayana precepts. Sengyou comments, after comparing the Shan jie jing (presumably T1582) and the Pusa di chi jing, that the two texts are largely identical in wording, with minor variations in titles and chapter divisions in a couple of chapters, so that the differences between the two are not sufficient to regard the two texts as alternate translations by different translators, but rather, the two should represent basically the same text; but that the order of the texts differs widely between the two, so that T1582 is actually something of a chaotic shambles (檢此兩本。文句悉同。唯一兩品分品品名小小有異。義亦不殊。既更不見有異人重出。推之應是一經。而諸品亂雜前後參差; T2145 [LV] 63a1-4). Ono conjectures that this disorder is an indication that T1582/T1583 is a revised version of T1581. He also points out that the story that the 序品 and 戒品 were once lost probably reflects the fact that the *Vinayaviniscaya was not originally included in the 序品, and that the one-juan “version” of the text came free and circulated independently. T1582; 菩薩善戒經 T1583; 菩薩善戒經

Ōno notes that, according to Nagai 長井, the Youposai wu jie lüe lun 優婆塞五戒略論 (優婆塞五戒相經 T1476) ascribed to *Guṇavarman 求那跋摩 was composed in China 中國成立. Ōno seems to give no exact reference to the Nagai work he has in mind.

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Ono notes that, according to Nagai 長井, the Youposai wu jie lue lun 優婆塞五戒略論 (優婆塞五戒相經 T1476) ascribed to *Gunavarman 求那跋摩 was composed in China 中國成立. Ono seems to give no exact reference to the Nagai work he has in mind. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1476; 佛說優婆塞五戒相經; Youposai wu jie xiang 優婆塞五戒相; Youposai wu jie lue lun 優婆塞五戒略論

According to Ōno, the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 (T1488) is closely related in topics and contents to the Shou jie pin 受戒品 of the Pusa shan jie jing 菩薩善戒經 T1483. He also mentions T1488’s relation to other several other scriptures. T1488 is said to have been translated by Dharmakṣema with Daoyang 道養 as amanuensis 筆受. No objections have been made to this ascription.

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According to Ono, the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 (T1488) is closely related in topics and contents to the Shou jie pin 受戒品 of the Pusa shan jie jing 菩薩善戒經 T1483. He also mentions T1488’s relation to other several other scriptures. T1488 is said to have been translated by Dharmaksema with Daoyang 道養 as amanuensis 筆受. No objections have been made to this ascription. *Dharmaksema, 曇無讖 Daoyang 道養 T1488; 優婆塞戒經

Ōno points out that the ascription of the Xianshou jing 賢首經 T570 to Shengjian 聖堅 of the W. Qin 西秦 period was given first by LDSBJ, citing the Shixing catalogue 始興錄. The ascription was taken up by DTNDL, DZKZM, and KYL as well. However, T570 was listed in Dao’an’s catalogue, as well as in Fajing and Yancong 彥琮錄, as an anonymous scripture. Ōno claims that, as it was already listed in Dao’an’s catalogue compiled in 374 CE, T570 could not have been translated in the W. Qin period, which started in 385 CE, hence the ascription to Shengjian is incorrect. Ōno re-classifies T570 as an anonymous scripture of the W. Jin period.

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Ono points out that the ascription of the Xianshou jing 賢首經 T570 to Shengjian 聖堅 of the W. Qin 西秦 period was given first by LDSBJ, citing the Shixing catalogue 始興錄. The ascription was taken up by DTNDL, DZKZM, and KYL as well. However, T570 was listed in Dao’an’s catalogue, as well as in Fajing and Yancong 彥琮錄, as an anonymous scripture. Ono claims that, as it was already listed in Dao’an’s catalogue compiled in 374 CE, T570 could not have been translated in the W. Qin period, which started in 385 CE, hence the ascription to Shengjian is incorrect. Ono re-classifies T570 as an anonymous scripture of the W. Jin period. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0570; Xianshou furen jing 賢首夫人經; 佛說賢首經

According to Ōno, the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 T283 originally formed a single text in combination with the Dousha jing 兜沙經 T280 and the Zhu pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T282, which must subsequently have been split and transmitted separately.

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According to Ono, the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 T283 originally formed a single text in combination with the Dousha jing 兜沙經 T280 and the Zhu pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T282, which must subsequently have been split and transmitted separately. T0280; 佛說兜沙經 T0282; Pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 菩薩求佛本業經; 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T0283; 菩薩十住行道品

According to Ōno, the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 T283 originally formed a single text in combination with the Dousha jing 兜沙經 T280 and the Zhu pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T282, which must subsequently have been split and transmitted separately.

Ōno endorses the ascription of the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 T283 to Dharmarakṣa in the Taishō, since CSZJJ lists it in the section of extant Dharmarakṣa‘s works as the Pusa shi zhu jing 菩薩十住經. There was also extant at that time an anonymous Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin in one juan, which was regarded as an excerpt text 菩薩十住行道品一巻抄, as listed in CSZJJ. This text was lost in the time of Yancong 彥琮 and Jingtai, but found again by Zhisheng. He found that the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 was identical with the Pusa shi zhu jing 菩薩十住經 ascribed to Dharmarakṣa and used the former title when including it in the canon.

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According to Ono, the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 T283 originally formed a single text in combination with the Dousha jing 兜沙經 T280 and the Zhu pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T282, which must subsequently have been split and transmitted separately. Ono endorses the ascription of the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 T283 to Dharmaraksa in the Taisho, since CSZJJ lists it in the section of extant Dharmaraksa‘s works as the Pusa shi zhu jing 菩薩十住經. There was also extant at that time an anonymous Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin in one juan, which was regarded as an excerpt text 菩薩十住行道品一巻抄, as listed in CSZJJ. This text was lost in the time of Yancong 彥琮 and Jingtai, but found again by Zhisheng. He found that the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 was identical with the Pusa shi zhu jing 菩薩十住經 ascribed to Dharmaraksa and used the former title when including it in the canon. T0283; 菩薩十住行道品

The Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487 is divided into two parts, the “section on preaching the Dharma in the twelve times” 十二時説法部 and the “section on the ten stages” 十住部. According to Ōno, after T1487 took its present form [with the addition of the latter section], the Pusa shi zhu jing 菩薩十住經 (T284) was produced by excerpting the Shi zhu bu 十住部 from T1487. T284 is identical with that section of T1487, except for its liutong (final) section 流通分, and even the liutong is taken from the earlier “twelve times” section 十二時説法部 of T1487, just adding the words er qu 而去. Thus, T284 is definitely an excerpt text produced in China 中國抄出, and the ascription to *Gītamitra 祇多密 in the Taishō (first given in LDSBJ) is mistaken.

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The Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487 is divided into two parts, the “section on preaching the Dharma in the twelve times” 十二時説法部 and the “section on the ten stages” 十住部. According to Ono, after T1487 took its present form [with the addition of the latter section], the Pusa shi zhu jing 菩薩十住經 (T284) was produced by excerpting the Shi zhu bu 十住部 from T1487. T284 is identical with that section of T1487, except for its liutong (final) section 流通分, and even the liutong is taken from the earlier “twelve times” section 十二時説法部 of T1487, just adding the words er qu 而去. Thus, T284 is definitely an excerpt text produced in China 中國抄出, and the ascription to *Gitamitra 祇多密 in the Taisho (first given in LDSBJ) is mistaken. T0284; 佛說菩薩十住經

Ōno states that the Pusa nei xi liu poluomi jing 菩薩內習六波羅蜜經 T778, ascribed to Yan Fotiao 嚴佛調, is an excerpt 抜萃 from the Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487 . He points out that the main ideas of T778 are seen in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra 十住經, and the use of the term “ten stages” 十住 at the end of T778 does not make sense unless we presuppose the current form of T1487. T778 is listed in Dao’an’s catalogue of anonymous scriptures 道安失譯錄 in CSZJJ as the Nei wai liu poluomi jing in one fascicle 內外六波羅蜜經一卷(安公云出方等部一本云內六波羅蜜經) (T2145 [LV] 17c25). [Ōno stops here, without bothering to overtly reject the ascription to Yan Fotiao or discuss the possibility that T778 apocryphal --- AI].

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Ono states that the Pusa nei xi liu poluomi jing 菩薩內習六波羅蜜經 T778, ascribed to Yan Fotiao 嚴佛調, is an excerpt 抜萃 from the Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487 . He points out that the main ideas of T778 are seen in the Dasabhumika-sutra 十住經, and the use of the term “ten stages” 十住 at the end of T778 does not make sense unless we presuppose the current form of T1487. T778 is listed in Dao’an’s catalogue of anonymous scriptures 道安失譯錄 in CSZJJ as the Nei wai liu poluomi jing in one fascicle 內外六波羅蜜經一卷(安公云出方等部一本云內六波羅蜜經) (T2145 [LV] 17c25). [Ono stops here, without bothering to overtly reject the ascription to Yan Fotiao or discuss the possibility that T778 apocryphal --- AI]. T0778; 佛說菩薩內習六波羅蜜經

The “six and eight ‘grave’ [infractions and corresponding precepts]” 六重八重 of the section on receiving precepts by one’s own vow(?) 自誓受戒 in the Guan Puxian pusa xing fa jing 觀普賢菩薩行法經 T277, ascribed to Dharmamitra 曇無蜜多, came from the Shan jie jing 善戒經 in one juan [probably referring to T1583], and are also included in the Guan Xukongzang pusa jing 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409, the Pusa [jie?] wu fa chanhui wen 菩薩戒五法懴悔文 T1504, and the Fo ming jing 佛名經 (thirty-juan Korean edition, T441). This pericope and the doctrine/practice it describes probably belongs to the time before the “ten ‘grave’ precepts” 十重戒 in the “Brahma Net Sūtra” 梵網經 were widely practiced.

The copy of T277 Sengyou saw had written beneath the title a note stating that it was excerpted from the Shen gongde jing 出深功德經中, while the Yuan and Ming editions state that Chu[!] shen gongde jing is an alternate title for the text 一名出深德經. It is not known whether such references were part of the text initially or not. The title/ phrase 出深功德經 does not appear anywhere else [but in fact, the same note is given for the title of T277 in CSZJJ T2145 (LV) 12b27, LDSBJ T2034 (XLIX) 92b15, and other later catalogues --- MR], but, Ōno points out that T277 itself includes a passage reading “previously taught the name of Xukongzang bodhisatva mahāsatva in the Gongde jing” 先於功德經中、説虛空藏菩薩摩訶薩名 (T409 [XIII] 677b9-10). The title Gongde jing here refers to the the Xukongzang pusa shenzhou jing 虛空藏菩薩神咒經 T406/T407, not as a proper name but as a word praising the virtue 德 of Xukongzang (Ākāśagarbha) bodhisatva 虛空藏菩薩. Ōno claims further that, if the phrase 出深功德經 is not the real title of any text, probably the use of that word in T277 came from the 觀虛空藏菩薩經, and hence the development of T277 is related to T409.

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The “six and eight ‘grave’ [infractions and corresponding precepts]” 六重八重 of the section on receiving precepts by one’s own vow(?) 自誓受戒 in the Guan Puxian pusa xing fa jing 觀普賢菩薩行法經 T277, ascribed to Dharmamitra 曇無蜜多, came from the Shan jie jing 善戒經 in one juan [probably referring to T1583], and are also included in the Guan Xukongzang pusa jing 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409, the Pusa [jie?] wu fa chanhui wen 菩薩戒五法懴悔文 T1504, and the Fo ming jing 佛名經 (thirty-juan Korean edition, T441). This pericope and the doctrine/practice it describes probably belongs to the time before the “ten ‘grave’ precepts” 十重戒 in the “Brahma Net Sutra” 梵網經 were widely practiced. The copy of T277 Sengyou saw had written beneath the title a note stating that it was excerpted from the Shen gongde jing 出深功德經中, while the Yuan and Ming editions state that Chu[!] shen gongde jing is an alternate title for the text 一名出深德經. It is not known whether such references were part of the text initially or not. The title/ phrase 出深功德經 does not appear anywhere else [but in fact, the same note is given for the title of T277 in CSZJJ T2145 (LV) 12b27, LDSBJ T2034 (XLIX) 92b15, and other later catalogues --- MR], but, Ono points out that T277 itself includes a passage reading “previously taught the name of Xukongzang bodhisatva mahasatva in the Gongde jing” 先於功德經中、説虛空藏菩薩摩訶薩名 (T409 [XIII] 677b9-10). The title Gongde jing here refers to the the Xukongzang pusa shenzhou jing 虛空藏菩薩神咒經 T406/T407, not as a proper name but as a word praising the virtue 德 of Xukongzang (Akasagarbha) bodhisatva 虛空藏菩薩. Ono claims further that, if the phrase 出深功德經 is not the real title of any text, probably the use of that word in T277 came from the 觀虛空藏菩薩經, and hence the development of T277 is related to T409. T0277; 佛說觀普賢菩薩行法經

T267 is listed in Dao’an’s catalogue (the third juan of CSZJJ) with a note reading 涼土異經, which means that it is an anonymous scripture of the Former Liang 前涼 period. The note “translated under the Northern Liang” 在北涼錄 carried in the Taishō byline came from LDSBJ via KYL. Ōno points out that this date must be incorrect, because the Northern Liang 北涼 period was after Dao’an’s time.

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T267 is listed in Dao’an’s catalogue (the third juan of CSZJJ) with a note reading 涼土異經, which means that it is an anonymous scripture of the Former Liang 前涼 period. The note “translated under the Northern Liang” 在北涼錄 carried in the Taisho byline came from LDSBJ via KYL. Ono points out that this date must be incorrect, because the Northern Liang 北涼 period was after Dao’an’s time. T0267; 不退轉法輪經

T268 is recorded as co-translated by Zhiyan 智嚴 and Baoyun 寶雲 in CSZJJ, followed by other catalogues. The Taishō omits Baoyun 寶雲 and ascribes it to Zhiyan 智嚴 only.

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T268 is recorded as co-translated by Zhiyan 智嚴 and Baoyun 寶雲 in CSZJJ, followed by other catalogues. The Taisho omits Baoyun 寶雲 and ascribes it to Zhiyan 智嚴 only. Baoyun, 寶雲 Zhiyan, 智嚴 (Liu Song) T0268; 佛說廣博嚴淨不退轉輪經

Ōno states that the ascription of the Pusa xing fangbian jingjie shentong bianhua jing 菩薩行方便境界神通變化經 T271 to Guṇabhadra was supposedly first given in the Li Kuo catalogue 李廓錄 (as cited in LDSBJ), followed by DTNDL, DZKZM, KYL and others. However, Jingtai classified the scripture as anonymous [Ōno does not express his own view here about the ascription --- AI].

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Ono states that the ascription of the Pusa xing fangbian jingjie shentong bianhua jing 菩薩行方便境界神通變化經 T271 to Gunabhadra was supposedly first given in the Li Kuo catalogue 李廓錄 (as cited in LDSBJ), followed by DTNDL, DZKZM, KYL and others. However, Jingtai classified the scripture as anonymous [Ono does not express his own view here about the ascription --- AI]. T0271; 佛說菩薩行方便境界神通變化經

CSZJJ lists the Zhu pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T282 as an anonymous scripture with the title Pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 菩薩求佛本業經. The ascription of T282 to Nie Daozhen 聶道真 was first given by LDSBJ, citing the Bie lu 別錄. This ascription was also accepted by DZKZM and KYL. Ōno states that, although this ascription appears somewhat dubious since the titles LDSBJ ascribes to Nie Daozhen include the apocryphal Pusa jie yao jing 菩薩戒要經, he himself follows these old traditions こゝでは舊傳に従ふ, because the vocabulary of T282 is that of the W. Jin, and the text contains passages at the end that should be placed at the beginning of the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 T283, which indicates that the text does indeed have some relation to Dharmarakṣa.

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CSZJJ lists the Zhu pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T282 as an anonymous scripture with the title Pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 菩薩求佛本業經. The ascription of T282 to Nie Daozhen 聶道真 was first given by LDSBJ, citing the Bie lu 別錄. This ascription was also accepted by DZKZM and KYL. Ono states that, although this ascription appears somewhat dubious since the titles LDSBJ ascribes to Nie Daozhen include the apocryphal Pusa jie yao jing 菩薩戒要經, he himself follows these old traditions こゝては舊傳に従ふ, because the vocabulary of T282 is that of the W. Jin, and the text contains passages at the end that should be placed at the beginning of the Pusa shi zhu xing dao pin 菩薩十住行道品 T283, which indicates that the text does indeed have some relation to Dharmaraksa. T0282; Pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 菩薩求佛本業經; 諸菩薩求佛本業經

According to Ōno, the Karmāvaraṇapratisrabdhi-sūtra 大乘三聚懺悔經 T1493 is basically an extension of the *Triskandhaka/Shelifu hui guo jing 舍利弗悔過經 T1492. The chant 唱文 at the end of four items of remorse 四悔 are almost identical with those in the “Yezhang mie pin” 業障滅品 of the Suvarṇabhāsottama-sūtra 金光明經 T664 ascribed to Paramārtha. The prayer/vow 願 to transform from a woman into a man 轉女成男 at the end of the text is taken from the Pusa zang jing 菩薩藏經 T1491. T1493 was first recorded in Jingtai, and said to have been translated in the Kaihuang 開皇 era of the Sui. Ōno adds that, according to LDSBJ, all the joint translations by *Jñanagupta/Jinagupta 闍那崛多 and Dharmagupta 達摩笈多 were done in or later than Kaihuang 開皇 12 (592 CE).

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According to Ono, the Karmavaranapratisrabdhi-sutra 大乘三聚懺悔經 T1493 is basically an extension of the *Triskandhaka/Shelifu hui guo jing 舍利弗悔過經 T1492. The chant 唱文 at the end of four items of remorse 四悔 are almost identical with those in the “Yezhang mie pin” 業障滅品 of the Suvarnabhasottama-sutra 金光明經 T664 ascribed to Paramartha. The prayer/vow 願 to transform from a woman into a man 轉女成男 at the end of the text is taken from the Pusa zang jing 菩薩藏經 T1491. T1493 was first recorded in Jingtai, and said to have been translated in the Kaihuang 開皇 era of the Sui. Ono adds that, according to LDSBJ, all the joint translations by *Jnanagupta/Jinagupta 闍那崛多 and Dharmagupta 達摩笈多 were done in or later than Kaihuang 開皇 12 (592 CE). T1493; 大乘三聚懺悔經

The *Vajrasamādhi-sūtra 金剛三昧經 T273 has a number of factors relating it to the "larger version" 大本 of the Lotus Sūtra. It is also related to many other texts, as it calls itself as, in the closing part 結説, a compendium and epitome of multiple sūtras 攝諸經要 and a sūtra summarising the Mahāyāna 攝大乘經. Texts related to T273 include the Mahāyānasaṅgraha 攝大乘論 T1592-T1594, the Da mingzhou jing 大明呪經 T250, and the 菩薩瓔珞本業經 T1485 [itself composed in China --- MR]. Ōno claims that, therefore, it is not appropriate to include T273 in the Lotus portion of the canon 法華部, and the text should be classified as apocryphal, based on the fact that it is in part derived from T1485.

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The *Vajrasamadhi-sutra 金剛三昧經 T273 has a number of factors relating it to the "larger version" 大本 of the Lotus Sutra. It is also related to many other texts, as it calls itself as, in the closing part 結説, a compendium and epitome of multiple sutras 攝諸經要 and a sutra summarising the Mahayana 攝大乘經. Texts related to T273 include the Mahayanasangraha 攝大乘論 T1592-T1594, the Da mingzhou jing 大明呪經 T250, and the 菩薩瓔珞本業經 T1485 [itself composed in China --- MR]. Ono claims that, therefore, it is not appropriate to include T273 in the Lotus portion of the canon 法華部, and the text should be classified as apocryphal, based on the fact that it is in part derived from T1485. T0273; 金剛三昧經

The postface 經後序 of T262 records that the text was translated by Kumārajīva in Hongshi 弘始 8 (406 CE). Ōno adds that the Devadatta chapter of the extant version was translated by *Dharmamati 達摩摩提 of the Southern Qi 南齊, and the summary gāthās 重誦偈 of the Pumen 普門 chapter was taken from the translation by *Jinagupta/*Jñānagupta 闍那崛多.

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The postface 經後序 of T262 records that the text was translated by Kumarajiva in Hongshi 弘始 8 (406 CE). Ono adds that the Devadatta chapter of the extant version was translated by *Dharmamati 達摩摩提 of the Southern Qi 南齊, and the summary gathas 重誦偈 of the Pumen 普門 chapter was taken from the translation by *Jinagupta/*Jnanagupta 闍那崛多. Fayi 法意, *Dharmamati 達摩摩提 T262 Devadatta Ch.

The preface 經序 of T264 states that the first parts of the “Five Hundred Śrāvakas” 五百弟子 and “Dharma Preacher” 法師 chapters in T262 are lacking in T263 and T264, but they are in fact not missing in the extant versions. Ōno refers to his own paper, "Hokke kyō hon’yaku no shomondai" 法華經翻譯の諸問題, for the details of the relations between those alternate translations.

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The preface 經序 of T264 states that the first parts of the “Five Hundred Sravakas” 五百弟子 and “Dharma Preacher” 法師 chapters in T262 are lacking in T263 and T264, but they are in fact not missing in the extant versions. Ono refers to his own paper, "Hokke kyo hon’yaku no shomondai" 法華經翻譯の諸問題, for the details of the relations between those alternate translations. T0262; 妙法蓮華經 T0263; 正法華方等; 正法華方等經典; 法華方等正經; 正法華經方等典詔; 正法華經 T0264; 添品妙法蓮華經

The Ugraparipṛcchā 郁伽長者所問經 is now included in the Ratnakūṭa 大寶積經 as the 郁伽長者會 (T310 [19]). The ascription of the text to Kang Sengkai 康僧鎧 must be incorrect, as the vocabulary used belongs to the (Liu) Song period. It was GSZ that first recorded a translation of the Ugraparipṛcchā by Kang Sengkai. The first catalogue that reportedly recorded the same was the Zhu Fazu catalogue 竺道祖錄 (as cited in LDSBJ), followed by Fajing and all the other catalogues. KYL then included the scripture in T310.

LDSBJ lists an Ugraparipṛcchā 郁伽長者所問經 in two juan ascribed to *Dharmamitra 曇摩蜜多, citing the Li Kuo catalogue 李廓錄. Ōno states that given the vocabulary used in the text, this ascription might be correct for T310(19).

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The Ugrapariprccha 郁伽長者所問經 is now included in the Ratnakuta 大寶積經 as the 郁伽長者會 (T310 [19]). The ascription of the text to Kang Sengkai 康僧鎧 must be incorrect, as the vocabulary used belongs to the (Liu) Song period. It was GSZ that first recorded a translation of the Ugrapariprccha by Kang Sengkai. The first catalogue that reportedly recorded the same was the Zhu Fazu catalogue 竺道祖錄 (as cited in LDSBJ), followed by Fajing and all the other catalogues. KYL then included the scripture in T310. LDSBJ lists an Ugrapariprccha 郁伽長者所問經 in two juan ascribed to *Dharmamitra 曇摩蜜多, citing the Li Kuo catalogue 李廓錄. Ono states that given the vocabulary used in the text, this ascription might be correct for T310(19). *Dharmamitra, 曇摩蜜多 T310(19); Ratnakuta 大寶積經, Ugrapariprccha 郁伽長者會

Ōno claims that the Pusa wu fa chanhui wen 菩薩五法懺悔文 T1504 is probably not a translated scripture 譯經 [i.e. it is a Chinese composition]. The phrase 犯四重六重及八重五悔 in the repentance 懺悔 section comes from two other texts, the Bodhisatvabhūmi 地持 and the Shan jie jing 善戒. The use of the phrase 六重八重 is shared with the Samantabhadra Contemplation Sūtra 普賢觀經 T277, the Ākāśagarbha Contemplation Sūtra 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409, and the Sūtra of the Thousand Buddha Names of the Present Fortunate Aeon 現在賢劫千佛名經 T477a/b (Korean edition). T1504 was first discovered by Jingtai of the Tang period, who included it in the canon. The text carries a note next to its title stating that it was an anonymous ascription assigned to the Liang period 失譯人名今附梁録. This note was based on KYL.

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Ono claims that the Pusa wu fa chanhui wen 菩薩五法懺悔文 T1504 is probably not a translated scripture 譯經 [i.e. it is a Chinese composition]. The phrase 犯四重六重及八重五悔 in the repentance 懺悔 section comes from two other texts, the Bodhisatvabhumi 地持 and the Shan jie jing 善戒. The use of the phrase 六重八重 is shared with the Samantabhadra Contemplation Sutra 普賢觀經 T277, the Akasagarbha Contemplation Sutra 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409, and the Sutra of the Thousand Buddha Names of the Present Fortunate Aeon 現在賢劫千佛名經 T477a/b (Korean edition). T1504 was first discovered by Jingtai of the Tang period, who included it in the canon. The text carries a note next to its title stating that it was an anonymous ascription assigned to the Liang period 失譯人名今附梁録. This note was based on KYL. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1504; 菩薩五法懺悔文

The Bannihuan jing 般泥洹經 (Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra) T6 is incorrectly given the title Fangdeng nihuan jing 方等泥洹經 in the three editions 三本, due to confusion with the Fangdeng bannihuan jing 方等般泥洹經 T376. The title in the Korean edition, Bannihuan jing 般泥洹經, is correct.

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The Bannihuan jing 般泥洹經 (Mahaparinirvana-sutra) T6 is incorrectly given the title Fangdeng nihuan jing 方等泥洹經 in the three editions 三本, due to confusion with the Fangdeng bannihuan jing 方等般泥洹經 T376. The title in the Korean edition, Bannihuan jing 般泥洹經, is correct. T0006; 般泥洹經

Ōno states that the postface to T376 records that Faxian 法顯 obtained the original Indic text of the Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra, which was then translated as the Da bannihuan jing 大般泥洹經 T376, from a certain Jialuo 伽羅 in Pātaliputra 巴連弗邑, Magadha, India, and that Faxian translated the text together with Buddhabhadra 佛大跋陀 [sic] (覺賢) in 417-418 CE . Baoyun 寶雲 worked as amanuensis 筆受. The Fo guo ji 佛國記 by Faxian himself (Gaoseng Faxian zhuan 高僧法顯傳, T2085) does not mention Jialuo 伽羅, while recording that there resided a certain *Rajasvarman 羅沃婆述 [sic], who was highly respected nationwide 擧國瞻仰, at the “Mahāyāna saṅghārama 摩訶衍伽藍 in Pātaliputra, from whom Faxian obtained the Indic text in one roll 一巻方等般泥洹經.

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Ono states that the postface to T376 records that Faxian 法顯 obtained the original Indic text of the Mahaparinirvana-mahasutra, which was then translated as the Da bannihuan jing 大般泥洹經 T376, from a certain Jialuo 伽羅 in Pataliputra 巴連弗邑, Magadha, India, and that Faxian translated the text together with Buddhabhadra 佛大跋陀 [sic] (覺賢) in 417-418 CE . Baoyun 寶雲 worked as amanuensis 筆受. The Fo guo ji 佛國記 by Faxian himself (Gaoseng Faxian zhuan 高僧法顯傳, T2085) does not mention Jialuo 伽羅, while recording that there resided a certain *Rajasvarman 羅沃婆述 [sic], who was highly respected nationwide 擧國瞻仰, at the “Mahayana sangharama 摩訶衍伽藍 in Pataliputra, from whom Faxian obtained the Indic text in one roll 一巻方等般泥洹經. Baoyun, 寶雲 Buddhabhadra, 佛陀跋陀羅, 覺賢 Faxian, 法顯 T0376; 佛說大般泥洹經

Ōno states that, according to LDSBJ and XGSZ, the original text of the Ratnamegha-sūtra 寶雲經 T658 was brought to China in the early Liang 梁 period, by Mandra[sena] 曼陀羅, who then translated it together with *Saṅghabhara 僧伽婆羅. Fajing differs, classifying it as anonymous. KYL records the date of translation as Tianjian 天監 2 (503 CE). Ōno does not say which ascription he supports (363).

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Ono states that, according to LDSBJ and XGSZ, the original text of the Ratnamegha-sutra 寶雲經 T658 was brought to China in the early Liang 梁 period, by Mandra[sena] 曼陀羅, who then translated it together with *Sanghabhara 僧伽婆羅. Fajing differs, classifying it as anonymous. KYL records the date of translation as Tianjian 天監 2 (503 CE). Ono does not say which ascription he supports (363). T0658; 寶雲經

The Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487 is divided into two parts, the “section on preaching the Dharma in the twelve times” 十二時説法部 and the “section on the ten stages” 十住部. Ōno claims that the “section on the ten stages” was added later in China, as it is almost identical with most of the Chinese translation of the Pusa xing dao pin 菩薩行道品 [菩薩十住行道品 T283] ascribed to Dharmarakṣa. According to Ōno, T283 originally formed a single text in combination with the Dousha jing 兜沙經 T280 and the Zhu pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T282 [which must subsequently have been split and transmitted separately]. The single text comprised by those three present texts corresponds to the Pusa benye jing 菩薩本業經 T281. This fact indicates that T1487 borrowed from T283, not vice versa.

T1487 was recorded in CSZJJ as the lost anonymous Pusa jie jing 菩薩誡經. Fajing called this text the Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經. The text has been listed as extant since Yancong. The ascription to Guṇavarman 求那跋摩 in the Taishō is unreliable, as it was given first by DZKZM, while all the catalogues before that classified the text as anonymous. Ōno also points out that the vocabulary of T1487 is old, containing words used also by Zhi Qian of the Wu 呉 period. 

After T1487 took its present form [with the addition of the 十住部 in China], the Pusa shi zhu jing 菩薩十住經 (T284) was produced by excerpting the Shi zhu bu 十住部 from T1487. T284 is identical with that section of T1487, except for the liutong (final) section 流通分, and even the liutong is taken from the “twelve times” section 十二時説法部 of T1487, just adding the words er qu 而去. Thus, T284 is definitely an excerpt text produced in China 中國抄出, and the ascription to *Gītamitra 祇多密 in the Taishō (first given in LDSBJ) is mistaken.

Ōno also states that the Pusa nei xi liu poluomi jing 菩薩內習六波羅蜜經 T778, ascribed to Yan Fotiao 嚴佛調, is an excerpt 抜萃 from the Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487 . He points out that the main ideas of T778 are seen in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra 十住經, and the use of the term “ten stages” 十住 at the end of T778 does not make sense unless we presuppose the current form of T1487. T778 is listed in Dao’an’s catalogue of anonymous scriptures 道安失譯錄 in CSZJJ as the Nei wai liu poluomi jing in one fascicle 內外六波羅蜜經一卷(安公云出方等部一本云內六波羅蜜經) (T2145 [LV] 17c25). [Ōno stops here, without bothering to overtly reject the ascription to Yan Fotiao or discuss the possibility that T778 apocryphal --- AI]

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The Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487 is divided into two parts, the “section on preaching the Dharma in the twelve times” 十二時説法部 and the “section on the ten stages” 十住部. Ono claims that the “section on the ten stages” was added later in China, as it is almost identical with most of the Chinese translation of the Pusa xing dao pin 菩薩行道品 [菩薩十住行道品 T283] ascribed to Dharmaraksa. According to Ono, T283 originally formed a single text in combination with the Dousha jing 兜沙經 T280 and the Zhu pusa qiu Fo ben ye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T282 [which must subsequently have been split and transmitted separately]. The single text comprised by those three present texts corresponds to the Pusa benye jing 菩薩本業經 T281. This fact indicates that T1487 borrowed from T283, not vice versa. T1487 was recorded in CSZJJ as the lost anonymous Pusa jie jing 菩薩誡經. Fajing called this text the Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經. The text has been listed as extant since Yancong. The ascription to Gunavarman 求那跋摩 in the Taisho is unreliable, as it was given first by DZKZM, while all the catalogues before that classified the text as anonymous. Ono also points out that the vocabulary of T1487 is old, containing words used also by Zhi Qian of the Wu 呉 period. After T1487 took its present form [with the addition of the 十住部 in China], the Pusa shi zhu jing 菩薩十住經 (T284) was produced by excerpting the Shi zhu bu 十住部 from T1487. T284 is identical with that section of T1487, except for the liutong (final) section 流通分, and even the liutong is taken from the “twelve times” section 十二時説法部 of T1487, just adding the words er qu 而去. Thus, T284 is definitely an excerpt text produced in China 中國抄出, and the ascription to *Gitamitra 祇多密 in the Taisho (first given in LDSBJ) is mistaken. Ono also states that the Pusa nei xi liu poluomi jing 菩薩內習六波羅蜜經 T778, ascribed to Yan Fotiao 嚴佛調, is an excerpt 抜萃 from the Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487 . He points out that the main ideas of T778 are seen in the Dasabhumika-sutra 十住經, and the use of the term “ten stages” 十住 at the end of T778 does not make sense unless we presuppose the current form of T1487. T778 is listed in Dao’an’s catalogue of anonymous scriptures 道安失譯錄 in CSZJJ as the Nei wai liu poluomi jing in one fascicle 內外六波羅蜜經一卷(安公云出方等部一本云內六波羅蜜經) (T2145 [LV] 17c25). [Ono stops here, without bothering to overtly reject the ascription to Yan Fotiao or discuss the possibility that T778 apocryphal --- AI] T1487; Pusa jie jing 菩薩戒經; 佛說菩薩內戒經; Pusa jie jing 菩薩誡經

Ōno asserts that the Pusa yinluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經 T1485 is clearly apocryphal 中國成立, as it takes contents from the “Brahma Net” sūtra 梵網經 T1484 and the “Sūtra on Humane Kings” 仁王般若經 T245. Ōno points out that, in addition, T1485 contains terms and ideas that are not found in India or the Western Regions 西域, e.g., the 42 sages 四十二賢聖 [Ōno states that the names of the 四十二賢聖 include some absurdities 四十二賢聖の原語には無稽のものがあり --- AI], 十三煩悩, 六種姓, 六堅, 六慧, 六定, and 六觀 (六種明觀決定了義實相法門). T1485 must have been produced after T245 and T1484, which among are its sources, but the latest material it otherwise uses is the Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanāda-sūtra 勝鬘經 T353 translated in Yuanjia 元嘉 13 (436) of the Song period. Traditionally, four different attributions have been given to T1485:

1) Juan 4 of CSZJJ lists T1485 in the category of extant anonymous scriptures 失譯有本部, with the alternate title of Pusa yingluo jing 菩薩瓔珞經;

2) Fajing, and other catalogues following it, viz., LDSBJ (juan 8), DTNDL, DZKZM, KYL, and the Taishō, ascribe T1485 to Zhu Fonian 竺佛念. Ōno claims that the vocabulary of T1485 indicates that it is not the work of Zhu Fonian. Ōno states that probably the ascription was given out of the confusion of T1485 with the Pusa yingluo jing 菩薩瓔珞經 T656 , also ascribed to Zhu Fonian, as suggested by a note in CSZJJ;

3) LDSBJ (juan 10) ascribes T1485 to Zhiyan 智嚴 of the Song period, without giving any reasons for the ascription;

4) The Shixing catalogue 始興 and Fashang 法上 (according to LDSBJ juan 1) ascribe the title to Daoyan 道嚴 of the Song period.

According to Ōno, KYL lists the supposed version of the text ascribed to Zhiyan and the other ascribed to Daoyan 道嚴 as lost alternate translations of T1485 別譯缺本. However, Ōno asserts that there is no evidence for the existence of such scriptures. Ōno suggests that the different ascriptions given to the text may be the result of the efforts made to present the text as a proper translated scripture, when it is in fact apocryphal.

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Ono asserts that the Pusa yinluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經 T1485 is clearly apocryphal 中國成立, as it takes contents from the “Brahma Net” sutra 梵網經 T1484 and the “Sutra on Humane Kings” 仁王般若經 T245. Ono points out that, in addition, T1485 contains terms and ideas that are not found in India or the Western Regions 西域, e.g., the 42 sages 四十二賢聖 [Ono states that the names of the 四十二賢聖 include some absurdities 四十二賢聖の原語には無稽のものかあり --- AI], 十三煩悩, 六種姓, 六堅, 六慧, 六定, and 六觀 (六種明觀決定了義實相法門). T1485 must have been produced after T245 and T1484, which among are its sources, but the latest material it otherwise uses is the Srimaladevisimhanada-sutra 勝鬘經 T353 translated in Yuanjia 元嘉 13 (436) of the Song period. Traditionally, four different attributions have been given to T1485: 1) Juan 4 of CSZJJ lists T1485 in the category of extant anonymous scriptures 失譯有本部, with the alternate title of Pusa yingluo jing 菩薩瓔珞經; 2) Fajing, and other catalogues following it, viz., LDSBJ (juan 8), DTNDL, DZKZM, KYL, and the Taisho, ascribe T1485 to Zhu Fonian 竺佛念. Ono claims that the vocabulary of T1485 indicates that it is not the work of Zhu Fonian. Ono states that probably the ascription was given out of the confusion of T1485 with the Pusa yingluo jing 菩薩瓔珞經 T656 , also ascribed to Zhu Fonian, as suggested by a note in CSZJJ; 3) LDSBJ (juan 10) ascribes T1485 to Zhiyan 智嚴 of the Song period, without giving any reasons for the ascription; 4) The Shixing catalogue 始興 and Fashang 法上 (according to LDSBJ juan 1) ascribe the title to Daoyan 道嚴 of the Song period. According to Ono, KYL lists the supposed version of the text ascribed to Zhiyan and the other ascribed to Daoyan 道嚴 as lost alternate translations of T1485 別譯缺本. However, Ono asserts that there is no evidence for the existence of such scriptures. Ono suggests that the different ascriptions given to the text may be the result of the efforts made to present the text as a proper translated scripture, when it is in fact apocryphal. T1485; 菩薩瓔珞本業經; Pusa yingluo jing 菩薩瓔珞經

The *Saddharmapuṇḍarīka sūtra 薩曇分陀利經 (T265, anonymous) in one juan is an abridged version 抄要經 of the “larger version” 大本, with complete opening, main and concluding sections 序正流通三分 according to the regular structure of a sūtra. One-third of the first part 始部 is an abridgement 抄要 of the beginning and end of the Prabhūtaratna chapter 見寶塔品 of the larger version, while the rest of the text excerpts the entire Devadatta chapter 提婆品.

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The *Saddharmapundarika sutra 薩曇分陀利經 (T265, anonymous) in one juan is an abridged version 抄要經 of the “larger version” 大本, with complete opening, main and concluding sections 序正流通三分 according to the regular structure of a sutra. One-third of the first part 始部 is an abridgement 抄要 of the beginning and end of the Prabhutaratna chapter 見寶塔品 of the larger version, while the rest of the text excerpts the entire Devadatta chapter 提婆品. T0265; 薩曇分陀利經

Ōno states that the Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing 過去五十三佛名經 is an excerpt text from the Wushisan jingli 五十三佛敬禮 portion of the Guan Yaowang Yaoshang er pusa jing 觀藥王藥上二菩薩經 T1161. Just like the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing 三十五佛名經, the Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing is preserved in the appendix of the Korean and Song editions of the Ākāśagarbha Contemplation Sūtra 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409. The Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing is listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures of CSZJJ with a note reading: 出藥王藥上觀亦出如來藏經 (T2145 [LV] 22b6). Although this note says that it is also excerpted from the Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra 出如來藏經, the extant T666 does not contain the names of the 53 Buddhas, while the San jie san qian Fo yuanqi 三劫三千佛縁起 (T446, which bears a note saying it too was excerpted from T1161 出觀藥王藥上經 next to the title) does.

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Ono states that the Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing 過去五十三佛名經 is an excerpt text from the Wushisan jingli 五十三佛敬禮 portion of the Guan Yaowang Yaoshang er pusa jing 觀藥王藥上二菩薩經 T1161. Just like the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing 三十五佛名經, the Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing is preserved in the appendix of the Korean and Song editions of the Akasagarbha Contemplation Sutra 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409. The Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing is listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures of CSZJJ with a note reading: 出藥王藥上觀亦出如來藏經 (T2145 [LV] 22b6). Although this note says that it is also excerpted from the Tathagatagarbha-sutra 出如來藏經, the extant T666 does not contain the names of the 53 Buddhas, while the San jie san qian Fo yuanqi 三劫三千佛縁起 (T446, which bears a note saying it too was excerpted from T1161 出觀藥王藥上經 next to the title) does. Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing 過去五十三佛名經 T0409; 觀虛空藏菩薩經

According to Ōno, the Xukongzang pusa shenzhou jing 虛空藏菩薩神呪經 T406 is an anonymous manuscript 寫經 of the Tang period included only in the Shōgozō 聖語藏. It is not listed in traditional catalogues, and was first entered into the canon in the Taishō.

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According to Ono, the Xukongzang pusa shenzhou jing 虛空藏菩薩神呪經 T406 is an anonymous manuscript 寫經 of the Tang period included only in the Shogozo 聖語藏. It is not listed in traditional catalogues, and was first entered into the canon in the Taisho. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0406; 虛空藏菩薩神咒經

According to Ōno, T1161 was first ascribed to *Kālayaśas 畺良耶舍 in GSZ, followed by other catalogues including LDSBJ and Fajing. However, Sengyou classifies it as anonymous.

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According to Ono, T1161 was first ascribed to *Kalayasas 畺良耶舍 in GSZ, followed by other catalogues including LDSBJ and Fajing. However, Sengyou classifies it as anonymous. T1161; 佛說觀藥王藥上二菩薩經; Yaowang Yaoshang guan jing 藥王藥上觀經; Yaowang Yaoshang er pusa guan jing 藥王藥上二菩薩觀經

Ōno claims that, although KYL classifies the Yiqiezhiguangming xianren cixin yinyuan bu shi rou jing 一切智光明仙人慈心因縁不食肉經 T183 as an anonymous scripture of the Qin period (as per the byline still carried in T), the date of translation should rather be the Liang 梁 period or later, as the title is not listed in CSZJJ.

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Ono claims that, although KYL classifies the Yiqiezhiguangming xianren cixin yinyuan bu shi rou jing 一切智光明仙人慈心因縁不食肉經 T183 as an anonymous scripture of the Qin period (as per the byline still carried in T), the date of translation should rather be the Liang 梁 period or later, as the title is not listed in CSZJJ. T0183; 一切智光明仙人慈心因緣不食肉經

Ōno states that the Fo ming jing 佛名經 T441 was compiled in China in the early Tang period, based on the Fo ming jing 佛名經 T440 (which Ōno regards as a genuine translation text). Each juan of T441 (thirty juan in total) has the following structure:

a) the names of three treasures三寶;
b) a contrition liturgy 懺悔文; and
c) a section from the Dasheng Lianhuabaoda wenda baoying shamen jing 大乘蓮華寶達問答報應沙門經 (?) at the end (according to Ōno, this text is identical with the Dasheng Lianhuamatou luocha jing 大乘蓮華馬頭羅刹經).

In sections on the three treasures 三寶, the names of Buddhas are the same as those in the twelve-juan version T440, except for in the last two juan. By contrast, the names of the Dharma(s) 法 (i.e. titles of texts) are unique. A substantial part of the names of 信(?) are the names of the Bodhisatvas listed at the end of T440.

That last two juan of T441 are largely the same as the Xianzai Xian jie qian Fo ming jing 現在賢劫千佛名經 T447 (the Korean edition), with their format adjusted to the preceding juan. The contrition liturgy 懺悔文of the previous juan has some elements common with the Guoqu Zhuangyan jie qian Fo ming jing 過去莊嚴劫千佛名經 T446.

T441 was listed in the section of KYL treating spurious and false works 僞妄亂真錄, and was developed from Chinese "folk beliefs" 俚俗信仰. The proof-reader 校合者 of the Korean edition records the existence of an eighteen-juan version of T441, without the sections corresponding to the 大乘蓮華寶達問答報應沙門品. The thirty-juan version was called the Matou luocha Fo ming 馬頭羅刹佛名 due to the later addition of the Dasheng Lianhuamatou luocha jing 大乘蓮華馬頭羅刹經, which is extant in the Korean edition only. The same text was regarded by Zhisheng as apocryphal. Ōno states that T441 nearly went missing due to this later interpolation of Chinese-derived text, but now it can be valued as a historical record of contrition practices and thought 懺悔 in China.

The titles of scriptures listed under the head of the “Dharma Jewel” 法寶 in the thirty juan version of T441 represents scriptures extant at the time the text was composed. Xuanzang’s Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論 (*Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi) T1585 is included, so the text must have been produced after the early Tang. The contrition liturgy 懺悔文 in juan 29 is mostly the same as the one appears in the Wangsheng lizan 往生禮讃 by Shandao 善導.

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Ono states that the Fo ming jing 佛名經 T441 was compiled in China in the early Tang period, based on the Fo ming jing 佛名經 T440 (which Ono regards as a genuine translation text). Each juan of T441 (thirty juan in total) has the following structure: a) the names of three treasures三寶; b) a contrition liturgy 懺悔文; and c) a section from the Dasheng Lianhuabaoda wenda baoying shamen jing 大乘蓮華寶達問答報應沙門經 (?) at the end (according to Ono, this text is identical with the Dasheng Lianhuamatou luocha jing 大乘蓮華馬頭羅刹經). In sections on the three treasures 三寶, the names of Buddhas are the same as those in the twelve-juan version T440, except for in the last two juan. By contrast, the names of the Dharma(s) 法 (i.e. titles of texts) are unique. A substantial part of the names of 信(?) are the names of the Bodhisatvas listed at the end of T440. That last two juan of T441 are largely the same as the Xianzai Xian jie qian Fo ming jing 現在賢劫千佛名經 T447 (the Korean edition), with their format adjusted to the preceding juan. The contrition liturgy 懺悔文of the previous juan has some elements common with the Guoqu Zhuangyan jie qian Fo ming jing 過去莊嚴劫千佛名經 T446. T441 was listed in the section of KYL treating spurious and false works 僞妄亂真錄, and was developed from Chinese "folk beliefs" 俚俗信仰. The proof-reader 校合者 of the Korean edition records the existence of an eighteen-juan version of T441, without the sections corresponding to the 大乘蓮華寶達問答報應沙門品. The thirty-juan version was called the Matou luocha Fo ming 馬頭羅刹佛名 due to the later addition of the Dasheng Lianhuamatou luocha jing 大乘蓮華馬頭羅刹經, which is extant in the Korean edition only. The same text was regarded by Zhisheng as apocryphal. Ono states that T441 nearly went missing due to this later interpolation of Chinese-derived text, but now it can be valued as a historical record of contrition practices and thought 懺悔 in China. The titles of scriptures listed under the head of the “Dharma Jewel” 法寶 in the thirty juan version of T441 represents scriptures extant at the time the text was composed. Xuanzang’s Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論 (*Vijnaptimatratasiddhi) T1585 is included, so the text must have been produced after the early Tang. The contrition liturgy 懺悔文 in juan 29 is mostly the same as the one appears in the Wangsheng lizan 往生禮讃 by Shandao 善導. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0441; 大乘蓮華寶達普薩問答報應經; 佛說佛名經; 大乘蓮華馬頭羅剎經

The Dashu jinnaluo wang suowen jing 大樹緊那羅王所問經 (T625 ) is an alternate translation of the Drumakinnararāja-paripṛcchā, the same text represented by the Dun zhentuluo suowen rulai sanmei jing 伅眞陀羅所問如來三昧經 (T624). T625 was not listed in CSZJJ, but was listed by Fajing, with the ascription to Kumārajīva that is still carried in T. This ascription was accepted by succeeding catalogues. Ōno too supports this ascription, even though T625 does not appear in the old list of translation works in the biography of Kumārajīva 羅什傳の古傳所列の譯經. Ōno states that the vocabulary of the text is likely to be that of Kumārajīva. The contents, structure, and length of T625 are the same as those of T624.

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The Dashu jinnaluo wang suowen jing 大樹緊那羅王所問經 (T625 ) is an alternate translation of the Drumakinnararaja-pariprccha, the same text represented by the Dun zhentuluo suowen rulai sanmei jing 伅眞陀羅所問如來三昧經 (T624). T625 was not listed in CSZJJ, but was listed by Fajing, with the ascription to Kumarajiva that is still carried in T. This ascription was accepted by succeeding catalogues. Ono too supports this ascription, even though T625 does not appear in the old list of translation works in the biography of Kumarajiva 羅什傳の古傳所列の譯經. Ono states that the vocabulary of the text is likely to be that of Kumarajiva. The contents, structure, and length of T625 are the same as those of T624. T0625; 大樹緊那羅王所問經

Ōno argues that, as KYL points out, DTNDL and DZKZM are incorrect in stating that the Vikurvaṇarāja-paripṛcchā 自在王菩薩經 T420 is an excerpt from the Tathāgatamahākaruṇā-nirdeśa in the Mahāsaṃnipāta 大集經陀羅尼自在王菩薩品第二 T397(2). Those two catalogues were probably misled by the fact that the rubric of 四理路荘巌(戒・三味・智・慧)also appears in T397(2).

KYL is incorrect, however, in classifying T420 as a Mahāsaṃnipāta 大集部 scripture, together with the alternate translation, Vikurvaṇarāja-paripṛcchā 奮迅王問經 T421. Still, this mistaken characterisation was accepted by the Taishō. T420 is ascribed to Kumārajīva by the postface to it, and by CSZJJ. No objection has been made to this ascription.

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Ono argues that, as KYL points out, DTNDL and DZKZM are incorrect in stating that the Vikurvanaraja-pariprccha 自在王菩薩經 T420 is an excerpt from the Tathagatamahakaruna-nirdesa in the Mahasamnipata 大集經陀羅尼自在王菩薩品第二 T397(2). Those two catalogues were probably misled by the fact that the rubric of 四理路荘巌(戒・三味・智・慧)also appears in T397(2). KYL is incorrect, however, in classifying T420 as a Mahasamnipata 大集部 scripture, together with the alternate translation, Vikurvanaraja-pariprccha 奮迅王問經 T421. Still, this mistaken characterisation was accepted by the Taisho. T420 is ascribed to Kumarajiva by the postface to it, and by CSZJJ. No objection has been made to this ascription. Kumarajiva 鳩摩羅什, 鳩摩羅, 究摩羅, 究摩羅什, 拘摩羅耆婆 T0420; 自在王菩薩經

The ascription of the Si bei jing 四輩經 T769 to Dharmarakṣa, which is still carried in the Taishō, was first provided in DZKZM and accepted by KYL. Before DZKZM, T769 was classified as anonymous. Sengyou first listed this text in his section on missing anonymous scriptures (with the alternate titles Si bei dizi jing 四輩弟子經 and Si bei xue jing 四輩學經), while Dao’an did not list this text. Ōno states that he tentatively accepts the classification of T769 as an anonymous scripture of the Wei/Wu period 魏・呉, as its vocabulary is very old, containing many terms seen in Zhi Qian’s translations. However, he adds that it is an open question whether T769 is a true translation.

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The ascription of the Si bei jing 四輩經 T769 to Dharmaraksa, which is still carried in the Taisho, was first provided in DZKZM and accepted by KYL. Before DZKZM, T769 was classified as anonymous. Sengyou first listed this text in his section on missing anonymous scriptures (with the alternate titles Si bei dizi jing 四輩弟子經 and Si bei xue jing 四輩學經), while Dao’an did not list this text. Ono states that he tentatively accepts the classification of T769 as an anonymous scripture of the Wei/Wu period 魏・呉, as its vocabulary is very old, containing many terms seen in Zhi Qian’s translations. However, he adds that it is an open question whether T769 is a true translation. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0769; Si bei xue jing 四輩學經; 佛說四輩經; Si bei dizi jing 四輩弟子經

Ōno states that the main contents of the Zheng gongjing jing 正恭敬經 T1496 are the same as those of the Shan gongjing jing 善恭敬經 T1495, except for the first part of T1495, which is not included in T1496. Nonetheless, Ōno maintains that T1496 is not a direct alternate translation of T1495, but a different scripture which, like T1495 but independent of it, was developed from the Da weide tuoluoni jing 大威徳陀羅尼經 T1341. Ōno arrives at this view because the introduction 序分 and conclusion 流通分of T1496 are totally different from those of T1495. Ōno quotes LDSBJ as a source for the ascription of T1496 to Buddhaśānta 佛陀扇多 (T2034 [LIX] 86c6). The title Zhengfa gongjing jing 正法恭敬經 was used in Fajing and onwards.

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Ono states that the main contents of the Zheng gongjing jing 正恭敬經 T1496 are the same as those of the Shan gongjing jing 善恭敬經 T1495, except for the first part of T1495, which is not included in T1496. Nonetheless, Ono maintains that T1496 is not a direct alternate translation of T1495, but a different scripture which, like T1495 but independent of it, was developed from the Da weide tuoluoni jing 大威徳陀羅尼經 T1341. Ono arrives at this view because the introduction 序分 and conclusion 流通分of T1496 are totally different from those of T1495. Ono quotes LDSBJ as a source for the ascription of T1496 to Buddhasanta 佛陀扇多 (T2034 [LIX] 86c6). The title Zhengfa gongjing jing 正法恭敬經 was used in Fajing and onwards. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1496; 佛說正恭敬經

The Weicengyou yinyuan jing 未曾有因縁經 T754 is listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures in CSZJJ, with the alternate title Weicengyou jing 未曾有經. Fajing ascribes it to Tanjing 曇景. LDSBJ (citing the Shixing catalogue 始興錄) gives the same ascription, regarding it as translated under the Qi 齊. Ōno provisionally accepts the ascription to Tanjing.

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The Weicengyou yinyuan jing 未曾有因縁經 T754 is listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures in CSZJJ, with the alternate title Weicengyou jing 未曾有經. Fajing ascribes it to Tanjing 曇景. LDSBJ (citing the Shixing catalogue 始興錄) gives the same ascription, regarding it as translated under the Qi 齊. Ono provisionally accepts the ascription to Tanjing. Tanjing, 曇景 T0754; Weicengyou jing 未曾有經; 佛說未曾有因緣經

Ōno regards as incorrect the ascription of the Ratnamegha-sūtra 大乘寶雲經 T659 to *Mandra[sena] 曼陀羅仙 and *Saṅghabhara 僧伽婆羅, still carried in the Taishō. Ōno states that T659 is an extended version of the Ratnamegha-sūtra 寶雲經 (T658), with the addition of one juan from the Ratnakūṭa 大寶積經 as the last chapter (entitled “Baoji pin” 寶積品).

According to Ōno, LDSBJ records that T659 was translated by *Subhūti 須菩提 of the Chen 陳, in the time of Emperor Wu 武 of the Northern Zhou 北周 Dynasty. This ascription was accepted by DZKZM and onwards. However, this scripture was then declared missing in the Tang period. It is included only in the Song edition 宋藏 of the canon, which replaced T658 with it. The Taishō uses the text in the Song edition (cf. T vol. 16 241 n. 1).

Ōno conjectures that the incorrect ascription of T659 to *Mandra[sena] and *Saṅghabhara was either the result of mistakenly transferring the ascription of T658 when the Song edition replaced the former with the latter; or was incorrectly given to the scripture sometime earlier.

Edit

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Ono regards as incorrect the ascription of the Ratnamegha-sutra 大乘寶雲經 T659 to *Mandra[sena] 曼陀羅仙 and *Sanghabhara 僧伽婆羅, still carried in the Taisho. Ono states that T659 is an extended version of the Ratnamegha-sutra 寶雲經 (T658), with the addition of one juan from the Ratnakuta 大寶積經 as the last chapter (entitled “Baoji pin” 寶積品). According to Ono, LDSBJ records that T659 was translated by *Subhuti 須菩提 of the Chen 陳, in the time of Emperor Wu 武 of the Northern Zhou 北周 Dynasty. This ascription was accepted by DZKZM and onwards. However, this scripture was then declared missing in the Tang period. It is included only in the Song edition 宋藏 of the canon, which replaced T658 with it. The Taisho uses the text in the Song edition (cf. T vol. 16 241 n. 1). Ono conjectures that the incorrect ascription of T659 to *Mandra[sena] and *Sanghabhara was either the result of mistakenly transferring the ascription of T658 when the Song edition replaced the former with the latter; or was incorrectly given to the scripture sometime earlier. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0659; 大乘寶雲經

The Shan gongjing jing 善恭敬經 T1495 was first presented as a Mahāyāna Vinaya 大乘律 scripture in the Yue zang zhi jin juan 閱藏知津巻, followed by the Shukusatsu edition of the canon 縮藏 and then by the Taishō. Ōno points out that T1495 consists of an excerpt from the Da weide tuoluoni jing 大威徳陀羅尼經 T1341, which is also ascribed to *Jñānagupta/Jinagupta, with the addition of an introduction 序分 and conclusion 流通分. The ascription of T1495 to *Jñānagupta/Jinagupta was first given in LDSBJ. T1495 was initially called the Shan gongjing shi jing 善恭敬師經, but 師 has been omitted since Yancong.

Edit

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The Shan gongjing jing 善恭敬經 T1495 was first presented as a Mahayana Vinaya 大乘律 scripture in the Yue zang zhi jin juan 閱藏知津巻, followed by the Shukusatsu edition of the canon 縮藏 and then by the Taisho. Ono points out that T1495 consists of an excerpt from the Da weide tuoluoni jing 大威徳陀羅尼經 T1341, which is also ascribed to *Jnanagupta/Jinagupta, with the addition of an introduction 序分 and conclusion 流通分. The ascription of T1495 to *Jnanagupta/Jinagupta was first given in LDSBJ. T1495 was initially called the Shan gongjing shi jing 善恭敬師經, but 師 has been omitted since Yancong. T1495; Shan gongjing shi jing 善恭敬師經; 善恭敬經

Ōno agrees with Mochizuki (in Jōdo kyō no kigen oyobi hattatsu 淨土数 の起源及發達, Chapter 4, Section 7) that the Zhancha shan’e yebao jing 占察善惡業報經 T839 was composed in China. Ōno mentions the following relations between T839 and other scriptures:

The 53 Buddhas 五十三佛 in the phrase 一心敬禮過去七佛及五十三佛 (T839 [XVII] 903c20) are probably taken from the Guan Yaowang Yaoshang pusa jing 觀藥王藥上菩薩經 T1161 and the Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing 過去五十三佛名經, an excerpt scripture based on T1161 and produced in China.

The taking of precepts by one’s own vow 自誓受and the establishment of a sevenfold Saṅgha 七衆 are from the Bodhisatvabhūmi 菩薩地持經 T1581.

Down to the Sui period, the term She lü yi jie 攝律儀戒 appears otherwise only in the Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經 T1485 [itself also a Chinese composition].

The appearance of Kṣitigarbha bodhisatva 地藏菩薩 as the preacher, and the emphasis on the ten good deeds 十善, tathāgatagarbha 如来藏, and precepts 戒 are also seen in the *Daśacakrakṣitigarbha-sūtra 大方廣十輪經 T410.

The fortune-telling that features in T839 became a social problem under the Sui, and the scripture was banned because of it. According to Ōno, DZKZM records that T839 was included in the canon again in Wansui 萬歳 1 (695 CE) of the Tang period. KYL approved of this restoration of the text to the canon.

LDSBJ records that in a copy of T839 in the Sui period, a line reading “translated abroad by Putideng/*Bodhidīpa” 菩提登在外國譯 was next to the title. However, Ōno claims that there is no other record of this Putideng.

Ōno lists the following reasons for regarding T839 as Chinese composition:

T839 divides the time after the demise of the Buddha into the ages of the True 正, Semblance 像, and Endtimes 末 of the Dharma, with the Endtimes period starting when the Semblance period ends. Such view was not known in India and the Western territories 印度西域;

As Mochizuki points out, most of the second juan is similar to the Mahāyāna Awakening of Faith 大乗起信論 T1666;
The method of fortune-telling using a wooden ring 木輪 is unique; and

Terms 名辭 from T1485 (see above) are used for 三種戒豪.

Ōno infers that T839 should date to the Sui period, before Kaihuang 開皇 13 (593), because Fajing and LDSBJ state that it was not listed in the catalogues before them. LDSBJ even claims [with a critical spirit entirely atypical of Fei Zhangfang on such matters] that the text “seems to have appeared only in recent times” 似近代出, and the scripture was banned in 開皇 13.

Edit

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Ono agrees with Mochizuki (in Jodo kyo no kigen oyobi hattatsu 淨土数 の起源及發達, Chapter 4, Section 7) that the Zhancha shan’e yebao jing 占察善惡業報經 T839 was composed in China. Ono mentions the following relations between T839 and other scriptures: The 53 Buddhas 五十三佛 in the phrase 一心敬禮過去七佛及五十三佛 (T839 [XVII] 903c20) are probably taken from the Guan Yaowang Yaoshang pusa jing 觀藥王藥上菩薩經 T1161 and the Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing 過去五十三佛名經, an excerpt scripture based on T1161 and produced in China. The taking of precepts by one’s own vow 自誓受and the establishment of a sevenfold Sangha 七衆 are from the Bodhisatvabhumi 菩薩地持經 T1581. Down to the Sui period, the term She lu yi jie 攝律儀戒 appears otherwise only in the Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經 T1485 [itself also a Chinese composition]. The appearance of Ksitigarbha bodhisatva 地藏菩薩 as the preacher, and the emphasis on the ten good deeds 十善, tathagatagarbha 如来藏, and precepts 戒 are also seen in the *Dasacakraksitigarbha-sutra 大方廣十輪經 T410. The fortune-telling that features in T839 became a social problem under the Sui, and the scripture was banned because of it. According to Ono, DZKZM records that T839 was included in the canon again in Wansui 萬歳 1 (695 CE) of the Tang period. KYL approved of this restoration of the text to the canon. LDSBJ records that in a copy of T839 in the Sui period, a line reading “translated abroad by Putideng/*Bodhidipa” 菩提登在外國譯 was next to the title. However, Ono claims that there is no other record of this Putideng. Ono lists the following reasons for regarding T839 as Chinese composition: T839 divides the time after the demise of the Buddha into the ages of the True 正, Semblance 像, and Endtimes 末 of the Dharma, with the Endtimes period starting when the Semblance period ends. Such view was not known in India and the Western territories 印度西域; As Mochizuki points out, most of the second juan is similar to the Mahayana Awakening of Faith 大乗起信論 T1666; The method of fortune-telling using a wooden ring 木輪 is unique; and Terms 名辭 from T1485 (see above) are used for 三種戒豪. Ono infers that T839 should date to the Sui period, before Kaihuang 開皇 13 (593), because Fajing and LDSBJ state that it was not listed in the catalogues before them. LDSBJ even claims [with a critical spirit entirely atypical of Fei Zhangfang on such matters] that the text “seems to have appeared only in recent times” 似近代出, and the scripture was banned in 開皇 13. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0839; 占察善惡業報經

The Dao shenzu wuji bianhua jing 道神足無極變化經 T816 is an alternate translation of the same text as the Fo sheng Daoli tian wei mu shuo fa jing 佛昇忉利天爲母説法經 T815, although the verses spoken by Mahāmaudgalyāyana 目連 before the section on the Pure Lands of the eight directions 八方浄土 is unique to T816. T816 is listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures of CSZJJ under the title Dao shenzu wuji bianhua jing, with the alternate title He dao shenzu jing 合道神足經. Fajing ascribes it to An Faqin 安法欽, followed by LDSBJ. Ōno states that he provisionally accepts the ascription to An Faqin.

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The Dao shenzu wuji bianhua jing 道神足無極變化經 T816 is an alternate translation of the same text as the Fo sheng Daoli tian wei mu shuo fa jing 佛昇忉利天爲母説法經 T815, although the verses spoken by Mahamaudgalyayana 目連 before the section on the Pure Lands of the eight directions 八方浄土 is unique to T816. T816 is listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures of CSZJJ under the title Dao shenzu wuji bianhua jing, with the alternate title He dao shenzu jing 合道神足經. Fajing ascribes it to An Faqin 安法欽, followed by LDSBJ. Ono states that he provisionally accepts the ascription to An Faqin. An Faqin, 安法欽 T0816; Dao shenzu jing 道神足經; He dao shenzu jing 合道神足經; 佛說道神足無極變化經

Ōno states that the Chugaizhang pusa suowen jing 除蓋障菩薩所問經 (T489) is an alternate translation of the Ratnamegha-sūtra. T489 has a larger number of juan, but its contents are the same as those of T658. According to Ōno, in terms of structure and vocabulary/phraseology 形相文辭, T489 is closest to T660, among other Chinese versions of the text. Ōno points out that the Jingyou lu lüechu 景祐錄略出 records a Chugaizhang pusa suowen jing 除蓋障菩薩所問經 as translated by *Dharmapāla 法護 and Weijing 惟淨 between Tianlong 天龍 3 (1019 CE) and Tiansheng 天聖 1 (1023 CE) (363-364). [In the Taishō, T489 is ascribed to *Dharmapāla alone.]

Edit

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Ono states that the Chugaizhang pusa suowen jing 除蓋障菩薩所問經 (T489) is an alternate translation of the Ratnamegha-sutra. T489 has a larger number of juan, but its contents are the same as those of T658. According to Ono, in terms of structure and vocabulary/phraseology 形相文辭, T489 is closest to T660, among other Chinese versions of the text. Ono points out that the Jingyou lu luechu 景祐錄略出 records a Chugaizhang pusa suowen jing 除蓋障菩薩所問經 as translated by *Dharmapala 法護 and Weijing 惟淨 between Tianlong 天龍 3 (1019 CE) and Tiansheng 天聖 1 (1023 CE) (363-364). [In the Taisho, T489 is ascribed to *Dharmapala alone.] Dharmapala, 法護 Weijing, 惟淨 T0489; 佛說除蓋障菩薩所問經

Ōno states that it is an open question whether T1501 (as well as the Pusa jie jiemo wen 菩薩戒羯磨文 T1499, also ascribed to Xuanzang) is a proper translation or not, and maintains that probably T1501 was excerpted from Yogācārabhūmi and edited by Xuanzang. According to the preface to T1499 by Jingmai 静邁, Xuanzang carefully checked 吟味 his text before completion. KYL records that Xuanzang“translated” T1499 and T1501 in the seventh month of Zhenguan 貞觀 23 (649), while he completed the translation of the Yogācārabhūmi in the fifth month of the previous year. Ōno points out that, as the two scriptures use parts of YBh verbatim, Xuanzang would not have needed to check the texts very carefully, even if there did exist independent source texts for both. This being so, Ōno argues, the careful check Xuanzang made should have been of the structure of the two excerpt texts, not the new translation work. Hence, the T1499 and T1501 are not new translations, but newly-edited excerpts from YBh.

Edit

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Ono states that it is an open question whether T1501 (as well as the Pusa jie jiemo wen 菩薩戒羯磨文 T1499, also ascribed to Xuanzang) is a proper translation or not, and maintains that probably T1501 was excerpted from Yogacarabhumi and edited by Xuanzang. According to the preface to T1499 by Jingmai 静邁, Xuanzang carefully checked 吟味 his text before completion. KYL records that Xuanzang“translated” T1499 and T1501 in the seventh month of Zhenguan 貞觀 23 (649), while he completed the translation of the Yogacarabhumi in the fifth month of the previous year. Ono points out that, as the two scriptures use parts of YBh verbatim, Xuanzang would not have needed to check the texts very carefully, even if there did exist independent source texts for both. This being so, Ono argues, the careful check Xuanzang made should have been of the structure of the two excerpt texts, not the new translation work. Hence, the T1499 and T1501 are not new translations, but newly-edited excerpts from YBh. Xuanzang, 玄奘 T1499; 菩薩戒羯磨文

Ōno states that LDSBJ classified 125 scriptures from the section of CSZJJ on extant anonymous scriptures as Eastern Han 後漢 translations, without giving any objective supporting evidence [that is to say, CSZJJ gave no dates for these texts, but LDSBJ assigned them to the E. Han]. The Shou shi shan jie jing 受十善戒經 T1486 was one of these texts. KYL and then the Taishō followed LDSBJ in treating T1486 as anonymous and dating it to the Eastern Han. However, Ōno claims that the vocabulary of T1486 is clearly not of the Eastern Han period. He maintains that the vocabulary is of the E. Jin period, probably the late E. Jin period. He also notes that DTNDL regards T1486 as an anonymous scripture of the E. Jin .

Ōno adds that the description of the kinds of hell in the second chapter of T1486 is similar to that in the fourth chapter of the Guan Fo sanmei hai jing 觀佛三昧海經 T643 (377-378).

Edit

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Ono states that LDSBJ classified 125 scriptures from the section of CSZJJ on extant anonymous scriptures as Eastern Han 後漢 translations, without giving any objective supporting evidence [that is to say, CSZJJ gave no dates for these texts, but LDSBJ assigned them to the E. Han]. The Shou shi shan jie jing 受十善戒經 T1486 was one of these texts. KYL and then the Taisho followed LDSBJ in treating T1486 as anonymous and dating it to the Eastern Han. However, Ono claims that the vocabulary of T1486 is clearly not of the Eastern Han period. He maintains that the vocabulary is of the E. Jin period, probably the late E. Jin period. He also notes that DTNDL regards T1486 as an anonymous scripture of the E. Jin . Ono adds that the description of the kinds of hell in the second chapter of T1486 is similar to that in the fourth chapter of the Guan Fo sanmei hai jing 觀佛三昧海經 T643 (377-378). T1486; 受十善戒經

The Subāhu-paripṛcchā 善臂菩薩所問經 in the Ratnakūṭa (大寶積經第二十六善臂菩薩會, T310[26] ), ascribed to Kumārajīva in the Taishō) was first listed in Fajing as a one-juan anonymous scripture. Yancong and Jingtai record it as a two-juan anonymous scripture. It was DZKZM that first ascribed T310(26) to Kumārajīva, citing Fashang. KYL, and the Taishō, followed DZKZM and ascribe the scripture to Kumārajīva. However, Ōno claims that that ascription is unreliable and T310(26) should be reclassified as anonymous, as per the older catalogues. Ōno also adds that, as KYL points out, DZKZM is incorrect in stating that T310(26) is an alternate translation of the Chiren pusa suowen jing 持人菩薩所問經 T481 (ascribed to Dharmarakṣa) and the Chi shi jing 持世經 T482 (ascribed to Kumārajīva) (383).

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The Subahu-pariprccha 善臂菩薩所問經 in the Ratnakuta (大寶積經第二十六善臂菩薩會, T310[26] ), ascribed to Kumarajiva in the Taisho) was first listed in Fajing as a one-juan anonymous scripture. Yancong and Jingtai record it as a two-juan anonymous scripture. It was DZKZM that first ascribed T310(26) to Kumarajiva, citing Fashang. KYL, and the Taisho, followed DZKZM and ascribe the scripture to Kumarajiva. However, Ono claims that that ascription is unreliable and T310(26) should be reclassified as anonymous, as per the older catalogues. Ono also adds that, as KYL points out, DZKZM is incorrect in stating that T310(26) is an alternate translation of the Chiren pusa suowen jing 持人菩薩所問經 T481 (ascribed to Dharmaraksa) and the Chi shi jing 持世經 T482 (ascribed to Kumarajiva) (383). T310(26); 善臂菩薩會 Subahupariprccha

Ōno states, citing Nagai (Chapter 4 of Konpon Butten no kenkyū 根本仏典の研究), that the main part of the Youposai wu jie xiang jing 優婆塞五戒相經 T1476 (ascribed to *Guṇavarman 求那跋摩 in T) was composed in China based on the Chinese translation of the Sarvāstivāda Vinaya 十誦律 T1435. Especially the section on abstinence from alcohol 不飲酒戒 is almost identical in the two texts. Ōno presents the correspondence between the two texts on 383-384. He also points out some oddities in the presentation of precepts 戒 in T1476.

Ōno maintains that more generally speaking, T1476 is clearly a Chinese composition. The date of composition should be Hongshi 弘始 6 (404 CE) at the earliest, but is probably somewhat later. CSZJJ called T1476 the Youposai wu jie lüe lun 優婆塞五戒略論, with the alternate title Youpusai wu jie xiang 優婆塞五戒相. Fajing used the title Youposai wu jie xiang, and was then followed by other catalogues. Jing 經 was first added to the title in DTNDL.

Edit

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Ono states, citing Nagai (Chapter 4 of Konpon Butten no kenkyu 根本仏典の研究), that the main part of the Youposai wu jie xiang jing 優婆塞五戒相經 T1476 (ascribed to *Gunavarman 求那跋摩 in T) was composed in China based on the Chinese translation of the Sarvastivada Vinaya 十誦律 T1435. Especially the section on abstinence from alcohol 不飲酒戒 is almost identical in the two texts. Ono presents the correspondence between the two texts on 383-384. He also points out some oddities in the presentation of precepts 戒 in T1476. Ono maintains that more generally speaking, T1476 is clearly a Chinese composition. The date of composition should be Hongshi 弘始 6 (404 CE) at the earliest, but is probably somewhat later. CSZJJ called T1476 the Youposai wu jie lue lun 優婆塞五戒略論, with the alternate title Youpusai wu jie xiang 優婆塞五戒相. Fajing used the title Youposai wu jie xiang, and was then followed by other catalogues. Jing 經 was first added to the title in DTNDL. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1476; 佛說優婆塞五戒相經; Youposai wu jie xiang 優婆塞五戒相; Youposai wu jie lue lun 優婆塞五戒略論

Ōno lists the following six titles as Mahāyāna scriptures on the ten precepts 十戒: the *Mahāprajāpatībhikṣuṇī-sūtra大愛道比丘尼經 (T1478), the Shami shi jie bing weiyi 沙彌十戒并威儀 (T1471), the Shami weiyi 沙彌威儀 (T1472, ascribed to *Guṇavarman 求那跋摩 in the Taishō), the Shamini jie jing 沙彌尼戒經 (T1474, which the Taisho states was translated under the E. Han 在後漢錄), the Shamini li jie wen 沙彌尼離戒文 (T1475) , and the Shami shi jie yize jing 沙彌十戒儀則經 (T1473, ascribed to *Dānapāla 施護 in the Taishō). Ōno maintains that all of them except for T1478 and T1473 were composed in China 中國成立, although they are classified as anonymous in the catalogues.

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Ono lists the following six titles as Mahayana scriptures on the ten precepts 十戒: the *Mahaprajapatibhiksuni-sutra大愛道比丘尼經 (T1478), the Shami shi jie bing weiyi 沙彌十戒并威儀 (T1471), the Shami weiyi 沙彌威儀 (T1472, ascribed to *Gunavarman 求那跋摩 in the Taisho), the Shamini jie jing 沙彌尼戒經 (T1474, which the Taisho states was translated under the E. Han 在後漢錄), the Shamini li jie wen 沙彌尼離戒文 (T1475) , and the Shami shi jie yize jing 沙彌十戒儀則經 (T1473, ascribed to *Danapala 施護 in the Taisho). Ono maintains that all of them except for T1478 and T1473 were composed in China 中國成立, although they are classified as anonymous in the catalogues. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1471; Shami jie 沙彌戒; 沙彌十戒法并威儀; Shami shi jie jing 沙彌十戒經 T1472; 沙彌威儀 T1474; Shamini shi jie jing 沙彌尼十戒經; 沙彌尼戒經; Shamini shi jie 沙彌尼十戒; Shamini jie 沙彌尼戒 T1475; Shamili jie jing 沙彌離戒經; Shamili jie 沙彌離戒; 沙彌尼離戒文

Ōno states that LDSBJ records that the Daśadharmaka 大乘十法經 (in the Ratnakūṭa, 大寶積經第九大乘十法會 T310[9] ) was translated by Buddhaśānta in 元象 2 (539 CE) of the E. Wei period. He adds that the ascription of this text to *Saṅghabhara/Saṅghavarman僧伽婆羅 given by Fajing and other catalogues is incorrect. According to Ōno, Zhisheng corrected that mistaken record and re-ascribed it to Buddhaśānta after comparing the scripture with an alternate translation of the same text, the Dasheng shi fa jing 大乘十法經 T314, which Zhisheng himself rediscovered (374).

Ōno states that the Daśadharmaka 大乘十法經 T314 is the alternate translation of the same text as the Daśadharmaka in the Ratnakūṭa (大寶積經第九大乗十法會) T310(9), and the two scriptures have the same contents. He cites LDSBJ recording that T314 was translated by * Saṅghabhara /Saṃghavarman 僧伽婆羅 in Putong 普通 1 (520 CE). LDSBJ, DTNDL, and the Gu jin yijing tu ji 圖記 listed T314 in the section of *Saṅghavarman with the title Shi fa jing 十法經. However, Fajing and other catalogues mistakenly thought that the Dasheng shi fa jing 大乘十法經 ascribed to Buddhaśānta was *Saṃghavarman’s Shi fa jing十法經, regarding it incorrectly as a unique translation 單譯. Zhisheng rediscovered the text of T314, *Saṃghavarman’s version, and included in KYL (375).

Edit

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Ono states that LDSBJ records that the Dasadharmaka 大乘十法經 (in the Ratnakuta, 大寶積經第九大乘十法會 T310[9] ) was translated by Buddhasanta in 元象 2 (539 CE) of the E. Wei period. He adds that the ascription of this text to *Sanghabhara/Sanghavarman僧伽婆羅 given by Fajing and other catalogues is incorrect. According to Ono, Zhisheng corrected that mistaken record and re-ascribed it to Buddhasanta after comparing the scripture with an alternate translation of the same text, the Dasheng shi fa jing 大乘十法經 T314, which Zhisheng himself rediscovered (374). Ono states that the Dasadharmaka 大乘十法經 T314 is the alternate translation of the same text as the Dasadharmaka in the Ratnakuta (大寶積經第九大乗十法會) T310(9), and the two scriptures have the same contents. He cites LDSBJ recording that T314 was translated by * Sanghabhara /Samghavarman 僧伽婆羅 in Putong 普通 1 (520 CE). LDSBJ, DTNDL, and the Gu jin yijing tu ji 圖記 listed T314 in the section of *Sanghavarman with the title Shi fa jing 十法經. However, Fajing and other catalogues mistakenly thought that the Dasheng shi fa jing 大乘十法經 ascribed to Buddhasanta was *Samghavarman’s Shi fa jing十法經, regarding it incorrectly as a unique translation 單譯. Zhisheng rediscovered the text of T314, *Samghavarman’s version, and included in KYL (375). T0314; 佛說大乘十法經 T310(9); Dasheng shi fa hui 大乘十法會

Ōno states that part of the Shami shi jie bing weiyi 沙彌十戒并威儀 T1471 comes from the *Mahāprajāpatībhikṣuṇī-sūtra 大愛道比丘尼經 T1478. He compares the section on refraining from idle speech 不妄語戒 in both scriptures (392). According to Ōno, T1471 is listed in CSZJJ as the Shami shi jie jing 沙彌十戒經 in one juan, with a note stating that in the Jiu lu it was also called Shami jie 舊錄云沙彌戒. It was missing for a long time, as Fajing and Yancong do not record it. Jingtai rediscovered it: 沙彌十戒并威儀一巻。二十一紙闕本訪得. Ōno suggests that this title might have been given by Jingtai. KYL added the character 法 to the title. Traditional catalogues unanimously classify T1471 as anonymous, and KYL dates the translation of the text to the E. Jin period. However, Ōno points out that the section on Rāhula 羅睺羅 becoming a monk in T1471 is based on the translated text of the Shami fa 沙彌法 in the Mahāsaṅghika Vinaya 摩訶僧祇律 T1425, and that T1471 contains quite a few words and phrases 辭句 that are of Chinese origin, with 温故知新 being a clear example. Thus, Ōno asserts that T1471 is a Chinese composition 中國成立, composed sometime after Yixi 義熙 14 (418 CE) of the E. Jin, the year in which translation of T1425 was completed.

Edit

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Ono states that part of the Shami shi jie bing weiyi 沙彌十戒并威儀 T1471 comes from the *Mahaprajapatibhiksuni-sutra 大愛道比丘尼經 T1478. He compares the section on refraining from idle speech 不妄語戒 in both scriptures (392). According to Ono, T1471 is listed in CSZJJ as the Shami shi jie jing 沙彌十戒經 in one juan, with a note stating that in the Jiu lu it was also called Shami jie 舊錄云沙彌戒. It was missing for a long time, as Fajing and Yancong do not record it. Jingtai rediscovered it: 沙彌十戒并威儀一巻。二十一紙闕本訪得. Ono suggests that this title might have been given by Jingtai. KYL added the character 法 to the title. Traditional catalogues unanimously classify T1471 as anonymous, and KYL dates the translation of the text to the E. Jin period. However, Ono points out that the section on Rahula 羅睺羅 becoming a monk in T1471 is based on the translated text of the Shami fa 沙彌法 in the Mahasanghika Vinaya 摩訶僧祇律 T1425, and that T1471 contains quite a few words and phrases 辭句 that are of Chinese origin, with 温故知新 being a clear example. Thus, Ono asserts that T1471 is a Chinese composition 中國成立, composed sometime after Yixi 義熙 14 (418 CE) of the E. Jin, the year in which translation of T1425 was completed. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1471; Shami jie 沙彌戒; 沙彌十戒法并威儀; Shami shi jie jing 沙彌十戒經

According to Ōno, the Shami weiyi 沙彌威儀 T1472 is an alternate version 異本 of the first part of the second half of the Shami shi jie bing weiyi 沙彌十戒并威儀 T1471, as KYL states. Since Ōno regards T1471 as a Chinese composition, this already implies that T1472 must likewise be a Chinese composition. T1472 has two excerpted passages at the end, the first (十數 of 沙彌) from juan 23 of the Mahāsāṅghika Vinaya 摩訶僧祇律 T1425, and the second from the Zhude futian jing 諸德福田經 T683. Ōno conjectures that, as those two passages are included at the end of T1472, they might have been added to it when the text was excerpted from T1471. T1472 is listed in CSZJJ as an extant anonymous scripture. Fajing and all succeeding catalogues ascribe the text to *Guṇavarman 求那跋摩 of the Song period, as does T. Ōno claims that that ascription is clearly incorrect.

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According to Ono, the Shami weiyi 沙彌威儀 T1472 is an alternate version 異本 of the first part of the second half of the Shami shi jie bing weiyi 沙彌十戒并威儀 T1471, as KYL states. Since Ono regards T1471 as a Chinese composition, this already implies that T1472 must likewise be a Chinese composition. T1472 has two excerpted passages at the end, the first (十數 of 沙彌) from juan 23 of the Mahasanghika Vinaya 摩訶僧祇律 T1425, and the second from the Zhude futian jing 諸德福田經 T683. Ono conjectures that, as those two passages are included at the end of T1472, they might have been added to it when the text was excerpted from T1471. T1472 is listed in CSZJJ as an extant anonymous scripture. Fajing and all succeeding catalogues ascribe the text to *Gunavarman 求那跋摩 of the Song period, as does T. Ono claims that that ascription is clearly incorrect. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1472; 沙彌威儀

According to Ōno, the Drumakinnararāja-paripṛcchā T624 is listed in Dao’an’s catalogue as the anonymous Dun zhentuoluo suowen bao rulai jing 伅眞陀羅所問寶如來經 in two juan.

It is also included as an extant scripture in CSZJJ (juan 3) with the alternate titles Dun zhentuoluo suowen bao rulai sanmei jing 伅眞陀羅所問寶如來三昧經 and Dun zhentuoluo jing 伅眞陀羅經. Even so, CSZJJ gives still another entry for the same title in the section on Lokakṣema, citing the Bie lu 別錄: 伅真陀羅經二卷, with a note stating that the Jiu lu and Bie lu record the text, but it is missing from Dao’an’s catalogue, and was missing in Sengyou’s time 舊錄云屯真陀羅王經別錄所載安錄無今闕. Ōno maintains that this is a redundant entry caused by Sengyou’s misunderstanding that there were two scriptures when there was just one, presumably because he was misled by the variations of the titles.

Fajing inherits CSZJJ’s mistaken record and lists both the anonymous Dun zhentuoluo suowen rulai jing 伅眞陀羅所問寶如來經 and the alleged alternate translation, the Dun zhentuoluo suowen jing 屯真陀羅所問經 ascribed to Lokakṣema, also treating as an alternate translation of the same text the Dashu jinnaluo wang suowen jing 大樹緊那羅王所問經 (T625). The anonymous title has not been not listed since Yancong. In LDSBJ, we also see notice of a supposed Dun zhentuoluoni jing 伅眞陀羅尼經, and in DZKZM, of a Dun zhentuoluoni suowen jing 伅眞陀羅尼所問經, but in both cases, 尼 is in error for 王.

Edit

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According to Ono, the Drumakinnararaja-pariprccha T624 is listed in Dao’an’s catalogue as the anonymous Dun zhentuoluo suowen bao rulai jing 伅眞陀羅所問寶如來經 in two juan. It is also included as an extant scripture in CSZJJ (juan 3) with the alternate titles Dun zhentuoluo suowen bao rulai sanmei jing 伅眞陀羅所問寶如來三昧經 and Dun zhentuoluo jing 伅眞陀羅經. Even so, CSZJJ gives still another entry for the same title in the section on Lokaksema, citing the Bie lu 別錄: 伅真陀羅經二卷, with a note stating that the Jiu lu and Bie lu record the text, but it is missing from Dao’an’s catalogue, and was missing in Sengyou’s time 舊錄云屯真陀羅王經別錄所載安錄無今闕. Ono maintains that this is a redundant entry caused by Sengyou’s misunderstanding that there were two scriptures when there was just one, presumably because he was misled by the variations of the titles. Fajing inherits CSZJJ’s mistaken record and lists both the anonymous Dun zhentuoluo suowen rulai jing 伅眞陀羅所問寶如來經 and the alleged alternate translation, the Dun zhentuoluo suowen jing 屯真陀羅所問經 ascribed to Lokaksema, also treating as an alternate translation of the same text the Dashu jinnaluo wang suowen jing 大樹緊那羅王所問經 (T625). The anonymous title has not been not listed since Yancong. In LDSBJ, we also see notice of a supposed Dun zhentuoluoni jing 伅眞陀羅尼經, and in DZKZM, of a Dun zhentuoluoni suowen jing 伅眞陀羅尼所問經, but in both cases, 尼 is in error for 王. T0624; Dun zhentuoluo jing 伅眞陀羅經; Dun zhentuoluo suowen bao rulai jing 伅眞陀羅所問寶如來經; 佛說伅真陀羅所問如來三昧經; Dun zhentuoluo suowen bao rulai sanmei jing 伅眞陀羅所問寶如來三昧經

According to Ōno, the Ratnamegha-sūtra 寶雨經 T660 is an extended version of the Ratnamegha-sūtra 寶雲經 T658, but not related to T659. DZKZM states: 右大周長壽二年三藏梵摩 於佛授記寺譯。新編入 (T2153 [LV] 396b29-c1). Ōno identifies “the Brahman” 梵摩 with Bodhiruci 菩提流志. Ōno also quotes KYL, which says, among other details, that the Indic text was recited 同宣 by the royal emissary śramaṇera *Brahma 梵摩, orally translated 譯語 by Zhantuo 戰陀 and Li Wuchan 李無諂: 中印度王使沙門梵摩同宣梵本。沙門戰陀居士婆羅門李無諂譯語。沙門慧智證譯語。沙門處一等筆受。沙門思玄等綴文。沙門圓測神英等證義。司賓寺丞孫辟監護 (T2154 [LV] 570a17-21). Ōno points out that the Taishō 現藏 attribution for this text reads *Dharmaruci 達摩流支, unlike other texts ascribed to Bodhiruci (363).

Edit

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According to Ono, the Ratnamegha-sutra 寶雨經 T660 is an extended version of the Ratnamegha-sutra 寶雲經 T658, but not related to T659. DZKZM states: 右大周長壽二年三藏梵摩 於佛授記寺譯。新編入 (T2153 [LV] 396b29-c1). Ono identifies “the Brahman” 梵摩 with Bodhiruci 菩提流志. Ono also quotes KYL, which says, among other details, that the Indic text was recited 同宣 by the royal emissary sramanera *Brahma 梵摩, orally translated 譯語 by Zhantuo 戰陀 and Li Wuchan 李無諂: 中印度王使沙門梵摩同宣梵本。沙門戰陀居士婆羅門李無諂譯語。沙門慧智證譯語。沙門處一等筆受。沙門思玄等綴文。沙門圓測神英等證義。司賓寺丞孫辟監護 (T2154 [LV] 570a17-21). Ono points out that the Taisho 現藏 attribution for this text reads *Dharmaruci 達摩流支, unlike other texts ascribed to Bodhiruci (363). Bodhiruci, 菩提流志, 達摩流支 Li Wuchan, 李無諂 Zhantuo 戰陀 T0660; 佛說寶雨經

According to Ōno, a Li yu youposai youpoyi ju xing ershi’er jie 離欲優婆塞優婆夷具行二十二戒 appears in the section on *Guṇavarman’s 求那跋摩 translations in LDSBJ, as an alternate title of a Shan xin ershi’er jie 善信二十二戒 (with another title San gui youposai jie 三歸優婆塞戒), and a note referring to GSZ 見高僧傳. This text is the same as the San gui ji youposai ershi’er jie 三歸及優婆塞二十二戒 with the alternate title Youposai jie 優婆塞戒, which is also ascribed to *Guṇavarman in CSZJJ. Ōno states that he presents this text in Section 4 of Chapter 2, Part I of the same book.

Although this text was recorded as missing 缺本, Ōno points out that it survived in thirty-odd lines in the middle of the Youposai wu jie weiyi jing 優婆塞五戒威儀經 T1503, starting with the line 離欲優婆塞具行五戒 (T1503 [XXIV] 1119c21). It is slightly odd, Ōno admits, that there are twenty-four precepts 戒 in those lines, while the title announces twenty-two. Still, Ōno states that this mismatch is not significant enough to raise any doubts about the identity of the text, citing the fact that the Three Editions use a variant title using “twenty-four 戒” 二十四戒 instead of twenty-two.

Ōno states that the method for confessing violation of precepts 犯戒懺悔法 in this text is taken from the Bodhisatvabhūmi 菩薩地持經 T1581. The term san gui 三歸 in some alternate titles does not appear in the text, but it may refer to the san liwen 三禮文 that appears after the 犯戒懺悔法. This liturgical text pays homage to the three treasures 三寶, namely, the Vairocana Buddha in the seven places and eight assemblies 七處八會盧遮那佛 [Buddha Jewel], the *Buddhāvataṃsaka-piṭaka 佛華嚴藏 [Dharma Jewel], and the Samantabhadra assembly 普賢集 [Sangha Jewel], and derives from the sixty-juan *Buddhāvataṃsaka T278.

According to Ōno, while catalogues ascribed the Li yu youposai youpoyi ju xing ershi’er jie to *Guṇavarman, it is clearly a Chinese composition 中國成立 , since it uses the translated text of the Bodhisatvabhūmi T1581. Ōno conjectures that the (incorrect) ascription to *Guṇavarman in catalogues may suggest that the text was composed under the supervision 指導 of*Guṇavarman.

Edit

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According to Ono, a Li yu youposai youpoyi ju xing ershi’er jie 離欲優婆塞優婆夷具行二十二戒 appears in the section on *Gunavarman’s 求那跋摩 translations in LDSBJ, as an alternate title of a Shan xin ershi’er jie 善信二十二戒 (with another title San gui youposai jie 三歸優婆塞戒), and a note referring to GSZ 見高僧傳. This text is the same as the San gui ji youposai ershi’er jie 三歸及優婆塞二十二戒 with the alternate title Youposai jie 優婆塞戒, which is also ascribed to *Gunavarman in CSZJJ. Ono states that he presents this text in Section 4 of Chapter 2, Part I of the same book. Although this text was recorded as missing 缺本, Ono points out that it survived in thirty-odd lines in the middle of the Youposai wu jie weiyi jing 優婆塞五戒威儀經 T1503, starting with the line 離欲優婆塞具行五戒 (T1503 [XXIV] 1119c21). It is slightly odd, Ono admits, that there are twenty-four precepts 戒 in those lines, while the title announces twenty-two. Still, Ono states that this mismatch is not significant enough to raise any doubts about the identity of the text, citing the fact that the Three Editions use a variant title using “twenty-four 戒” 二十四戒 instead of twenty-two. Ono states that the method for confessing violation of precepts 犯戒懺悔法 in this text is taken from the Bodhisatvabhumi 菩薩地持經 T1581. The term san gui 三歸 in some alternate titles does not appear in the text, but it may refer to the san liwen 三禮文 that appears after the 犯戒懺悔法. This liturgical text pays homage to the three treasures 三寶, namely, the Vairocana Buddha in the seven places and eight assemblies 七處八會盧遮那佛 [Buddha Jewel], the *Buddhavatamsaka-pitaka 佛華嚴藏 [Dharma Jewel], and the Samantabhadra assembly 普賢集 [Sangha Jewel], and derives from the sixty-juan *Buddhavatamsaka T278. According to Ono, while catalogues ascribed the Li yu youposai youpoyi ju xing ershi’er jie to *Gunavarman, it is clearly a Chinese composition 中國成立 , since it uses the translated text of the Bodhisatvabhumi T1581. Ono conjectures that the (incorrect) ascription to *Gunavarman in catalogues may suggest that the text was composed under the supervision 指導 of*Gunavarman. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 Youposai jie 優婆塞戒; Shan xin ershi’er jie 善信二十二; Li yu youposai youpoyi ju xing ershi’er jie 離欲優婆塞優婆夷具行二十二戒; San gui ji youposai ershi’er jie 三歸及優婆塞二十二戒; San gui youposai jie 三歸優婆塞戒

According to Ōno, a Li yu youposai youpoyi ju xing ershi’er jie 離欲優婆塞優婆夷具行二十二戒 appears in the section on *Guṇavarman’s 求那跋摩 translations in LDSBJ, as an alternate title of a Shan xin ershi’er jie 善信二十二戒 (with another title San gui youposai jie 三歸優婆塞戒), and a note referring to GSZ 見高僧傳. This text is the same as the San gui ji youposai ershi’er jie 三歸及優婆塞二十二戒 with the alternate title Youposai jie 優婆塞戒, which is also ascribed to *Guṇavarman in CSZJJ. Ōno states that he presents this text in Section 4 of Chapter 2, Part I of the same book.

Although this text was recorded as missing 缺本, Ōno points out that it survived in thirty-odd lines in the middle of the Youposai wu jie weiyi jing 優婆塞五戒威儀經 T1503, starting with the line 離欲優婆塞具行五戒 (T1503 [XXIV] 1119c21). It is slightly odd, Ōno admits, that there are twenty-four precepts 戒 in those lines, while the title announces twenty-two. Still, Ōno states that this mismatch is not significant enough to raise any doubts about the identity of the text, citing the fact that the Three Editions use a variant title using “twenty-four 戒” 二十四戒 instead of twenty-two.

Ōno states that the method for confessing violation of precepts 犯戒懺悔法 in this text is taken from the Bodhisatvabhūmi 菩薩地持經 T1581. The term san gui 三歸 in some alternate titles does not appear in the text, but it may refer to the san liwen 三禮文 that appears after the 犯戒懺悔法. This liturgical text pays homage to the three treasures 三寶, namely, the Vairocana Buddha in the seven places and eight assemblies 七處八會盧遮那佛 [Buddha Jewel], the *Buddhāvataṃsaka-piṭaka 佛華嚴藏 [Dharma Jewel], and the Samantabhadra assembly 普賢集 [Sangha Jewel], and derives from the sixty-juan *Buddhāvataṃsaka T278.

According to Ōno, while catalogues ascribed the Li yu youposai youpoyi ju xing ershi’er jie to *Guṇavarman, it is clearly a Chinese composition 中國成立 , since it uses the translated text of the Bodhisatvabhūmi T1581. Ōno conjectures that the (incorrect) ascription to *Guṇavarman in catalogues may suggest that the text was composed under the supervision 指導 of*Guṇavarman.

Edit

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According to Ono, a Li yu youposai youpoyi ju xing ershi’er jie 離欲優婆塞優婆夷具行二十二戒 appears in the section on *Gunavarman’s 求那跋摩 translations in LDSBJ, as an alternate title of a Shan xin ershi’er jie 善信二十二戒 (with another title San gui youposai jie 三歸優婆塞戒), and a note referring to GSZ 見高僧傳. This text is the same as the San gui ji youposai ershi’er jie 三歸及優婆塞二十二戒 with the alternate title Youposai jie 優婆塞戒, which is also ascribed to *Gunavarman in CSZJJ. Ono states that he presents this text in Section 4 of Chapter 2, Part I of the same book. Although this text was recorded as missing 缺本, Ono points out that it survived in thirty-odd lines in the middle of the Youposai wu jie weiyi jing 優婆塞五戒威儀經 T1503, starting with the line 離欲優婆塞具行五戒 (T1503 [XXIV] 1119c21). It is slightly odd, Ono admits, that there are twenty-four precepts 戒 in those lines, while the title announces twenty-two. Still, Ono states that this mismatch is not significant enough to raise any doubts about the identity of the text, citing the fact that the Three Editions use a variant title using “twenty-four 戒” 二十四戒 instead of twenty-two. Ono states that the method for confessing violation of precepts 犯戒懺悔法 in this text is taken from the Bodhisatvabhumi 菩薩地持經 T1581. The term san gui 三歸 in some alternate titles does not appear in the text, but it may refer to the san liwen 三禮文 that appears after the 犯戒懺悔法. This liturgical text pays homage to the three treasures 三寶, namely, the Vairocana Buddha in the seven places and eight assemblies 七處八會盧遮那佛 [Buddha Jewel], the *Buddhavatamsaka-pitaka 佛華嚴藏 [Dharma Jewel], and the Samantabhadra assembly 普賢集 [Sangha Jewel], and derives from the sixty-juan *Buddhavatamsaka T278. According to Ono, while catalogues ascribed the Li yu youposai youpoyi ju xing ershi’er jie to *Gunavarman, it is clearly a Chinese composition 中國成立 , since it uses the translated text of the Bodhisatvabhumi T1581. Ono conjectures that the (incorrect) ascription to *Gunavarman in catalogues may suggest that the text was composed under the supervision 指導 of*Gunavarman. T1503; 優婆塞五戒威儀經

Ōno states that part of the Shamini jie jing 沙彌尼戒經 T1474 is influenced by the Mahāprajāpatī[bhukṣuṇī]-sūtra 大愛道經 (T1478 ). In the portion in question, T1474 claims that if one practices the ten precepts 十戒 properly かの十戒を如法に行ずれば, she will naturally satisfy the full set of precepts 具足戒 (the five hundred precepts 五百戒). Ōno maintains that T1474 followed T1478, and not the other way round, because that effect of ten precepts 十戒 practice was stated simply in T1478, while explained with examples/an example in T1474.

T1474 was listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures of CSZJJ as the Shamini jie 沙彌尼戒 in one juan. Fajing and LDSBJ recorded it as the Shamini shi jie jing 沙彌尼十戒經, while Yancong classified it as missing 闕本. Jingtai records: 沙彌尼十戒一巻。四紙。缺本訪得, as he rediscovered the text and included it in the canon. The title Shamini jie jing 沙彌尼戒經 has been used since KYL. The text has been classified as anonymous by the catalogues. LDSBJ gives the Latter Han period as the date of translation, but on no objective grounds; KYL accepts this date; the Korean edition records T1474 as in the E. Han catalogue 後漢錄, and the Song and Yuan editions in the Han catalogue 漢錄.

However, Ōno argues, this date of translation is incorrect and, moreover, the text was composed in China 中國成立, for the following reasons: a) it is clear that T1474 is a work newer than T1478; b) the vocabulary suggests that the text is not a genuine translation; c) it is titled as a sūtra 經 while lacking the introductory and concluding (liutong) 序流通 sections, and with no preacher of the Dharma 説者 or audience 聽者 specified; and d) it is similar to the Shami shi jie bing weiyi 沙彌十戒并威儀 T1471 (which Ōno also classifies as composed in China).

Edit

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Ono states that part of the Shamini jie jing 沙彌尼戒經 T1474 is influenced by the Mahaprajapati[bhuksuni]-sutra 大愛道經 (T1478 ). In the portion in question, T1474 claims that if one practices the ten precepts 十戒 properly かの十戒を如法に行すれは, she will naturally satisfy the full set of precepts 具足戒 (the five hundred precepts 五百戒). Ono maintains that T1474 followed T1478, and not the other way round, because that effect of ten precepts 十戒 practice was stated simply in T1478, while explained with examples/an example in T1474. T1474 was listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures of CSZJJ as the Shamini jie 沙彌尼戒 in one juan. Fajing and LDSBJ recorded it as the Shamini shi jie jing 沙彌尼十戒經, while Yancong classified it as missing 闕本. Jingtai records: 沙彌尼十戒一巻。四紙。缺本訪得, as he rediscovered the text and included it in the canon. The title Shamini jie jing 沙彌尼戒經 has been used since KYL. The text has been classified as anonymous by the catalogues. LDSBJ gives the Latter Han period as the date of translation, but on no objective grounds; KYL accepts this date; the Korean edition records T1474 as in the E. Han catalogue 後漢錄, and the Song and Yuan editions in the Han catalogue 漢錄. However, Ono argues, this date of translation is incorrect and, moreover, the text was composed in China 中國成立, for the following reasons: a) it is clear that T1474 is a work newer than T1478; b) the vocabulary suggests that the text is not a genuine translation; c) it is titled as a sutra 經 while lacking the introductory and concluding (liutong) 序流通 sections, and with no preacher of the Dharma 説者 or audience 聽者 specified; and d) it is similar to the Shami shi jie bing weiyi 沙彌十戒并威儀 T1471 (which Ono also classifies as composed in China). Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1474; Shamini shi jie jing 沙彌尼十戒經; 沙彌尼戒經; Shamini shi jie 沙彌尼十戒; Shamini jie 沙彌尼戒

The Shaminili jie wen 沙彌尼離戒文 T1475 is listed in CSZJJ as the Shamili jie 沙彌離戒 in one juan, and classified as a missing anonymous scripture. It is called the Shamili jie jing 沙彌離戒經 in Fajing and Yancong, the latter classifying it as missing. Jingtai rediscovered this scripture, and recorded it twice in his catalogue, calling it the Shamili jie 沙彌離戒 in one entry, and the Shamili jie jing 沙彌離戒經 in the other. Ōno points out that the use of za 雜 instead of li 離 in the title in the Yuan and Ming editions is incorrect, because the li 離 corresponds to the –ri- in śrāmaṇerikā. This scripture was classified as anonymous from very early on, and KYL regards it as translated in the E. Jin period. However, Ōno claims that this text does not have the proper structure of a sūtra 經, and displays a unique ordering of the ten precepts 十戒. It even contains the expression “in such-and-such a province, in such-and-such a commandery, in such-and-such a county” 於某州某郡某県. Thus, Ōno asserts that T1475 was composed in China.

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The Shaminili jie wen 沙彌尼離戒文 T1475 is listed in CSZJJ as the Shamili jie 沙彌離戒 in one juan, and classified as a missing anonymous scripture. It is called the Shamili jie jing 沙彌離戒經 in Fajing and Yancong, the latter classifying it as missing. Jingtai rediscovered this scripture, and recorded it twice in his catalogue, calling it the Shamili jie 沙彌離戒 in one entry, and the Shamili jie jing 沙彌離戒經 in the other. Ono points out that the use of za 雜 instead of li 離 in the title in the Yuan and Ming editions is incorrect, because the li 離 corresponds to the –ri- in sramanerika. This scripture was classified as anonymous from very early on, and KYL regards it as translated in the E. Jin period. However, Ono claims that this text does not have the proper structure of a sutra 經, and displays a unique ordering of the ten precepts 十戒. It even contains the expression “in such-and-such a province, in such-and-such a commandery, in such-and-such a county” 於某州某郡某県. Thus, Ono asserts that T1475 was composed in China. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1475; Shamili jie jing 沙彌離戒經; Shamili jie 沙彌離戒; 沙彌尼離戒文

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Sanshiwu Fo ming jing 三十五佛名經

Ōno states that the Sanshiwu Fo ming lichan wen 三十五佛名禮懺文 T326 is based on the *Vinayaviniścaya 決定毘尼經 T325 (Upāli-paripṛcchā), as the note next to the title says 出烏波離所問經. He states that the the translations of the thirty-five Buddha names differ from those in T325, but the Buddha names themselves are the same, and that each also has namo 娜謨 (“homage to/I bow to”) added to it.

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Ono states that the Sanshiwu Fo ming lichan wen 三十五佛名禮懺文 T326 is based on the *Vinayaviniscaya 決定毘尼經 T325 (Upali-pariprccha), as the note next to the title says 出烏波離所問經. He states that the the translations of the thirty-five Buddha names differ from those in T325, but the Buddha names themselves are the same, and that each also has namo 娜謨 (“homage to/I bow to”) added to it. T0326; 佛說三十五佛名禮懺文

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404

Guoqu wushisan Fo ming jing 過去五十三佛名經

Ōno suggests that the historical context of “Sūtra on the One Thousand Buddha Names of the Present Auspicious Aeon” Xianzai Xian jie qian Fo ming jing 現在賢劫千佛名經 T447 can be approximately known from terms derived from or shared with other scriptures:

六重八重, from the Youpusai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488 and the one-juan Shan jie jing 善戒經 (cf. 受十善戒經 T1486); also appears in the Ākāśagarbha Contemplation Sūtra 觀虛空藏經 (cf. 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409), the Samantabhadra Contemplation Sūtra 普賢觀經 (cf. 觀普賢菩薩行法經 T277), and the Pusa wu fa chanhui wen 菩薩五法懺悔文 T1504;

三千威儀, from the 大比丘三千威儀經 T1470;

八萬律儀, from the “Sūtra of Brahma’s Net” 梵網經 T1484.

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Ono suggests that the historical context of “Sutra on the One Thousand Buddha Names of the Present Auspicious Aeon” Xianzai Xian jie qian Fo ming jing 現在賢劫千佛名經 T447 can be approximately known from terms derived from or shared with other scriptures: 六重八重, from the Youpusai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488 and the one-juan Shan jie jing 善戒經 (cf. 受十善戒經 T1486); also appears in the Akasagarbha Contemplation Sutra 觀虛空藏經 (cf. 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409), the Samantabhadra Contemplation Sutra 普賢觀經 (cf. 觀普賢菩薩行法經 T277), and the Pusa wu fa chanhui wen 菩薩五法懺悔文 T1504; 三千威儀, from the 大比丘三千威儀經 T1470; 八萬律儀, from the “Sutra of Brahma’s Net” 梵網經 T1484. T0447; 現在賢劫千佛名經

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San jie san qian Fo ming jing 三劫三千佛名經

Ōno discusses relations between “Sūtra on the One Thousand Buddha Names of the Present Auspicious Aeon” 現在賢劫千佛名經 T447 and two other “one-thousand Buddha” 千佛 scriptures, on the Buddhas of the past and future: the Guoqu Zhuangyan jie qian Fo ming jing 過去荘嚴劫千佛名經 T446; and the Weilai Xingxiu jie qian Fo ming jing 未來星宿劫千佛名經 T448. He notes that among these three texts, content relating to confession is least developed in the “future” sūtra T448, and further that the “past” sūtra T446 contains part of the same confession rites 懺悔法 as the “present” sūtra T447, but those in T447 are “most complete” 最も整つた.

Ōno gives a theory of five stages in the development of these three “one-thousand Buddhas” 千佛 scriptures. These texts are treated as separate in the Korean and Ming editions, while in the Yuan edition they are combined together as the San jie san qian Fo ming jing 三劫三千佛名經 in three juan. Ōno thinks the text/s developed as follows:

1. The Xianjie qian Fo ming jing 賢劫千佛名經 in one juan.
The Xianjie qian Fo ming jing賢劫千佛名經 in one juan (cf. T447a/b) was adapted from the twentieth chapter, the “Qian Fo minghao pin” 千佛名號品 of the Bhadrakalpika 賢劫經 (cf. T425, ascribed to Dharmarakṣa). Ōno maintains that T447a/b should indeed be classified as an anonymous separate translation [as in the canon], rather an excerpted text compiled in China, since the translation style 譯文 is totally different from that of Dharmarakṣa [Ōno’s logic here is apparently that if T447 was excerpted from the Bhadrakalpika in China, we should see stylistic resemlances to Dharmarakṣa; since we do not, T447 must have been made into a separate text outside China, and translated independently of T425 – MR]. In CSZJJ, Sengyou lists this title in the section of extant anonymous scriptures 失譯有本部, but he also lists the same title among the words of Tanwulan 竺曇無蘭. According to Ōno, the Xianjie qian Fo ming jing has survived in the “Palace” (Kunaishō) canon 宮本 and in some exemplars 或種 of the Song edition 宋本.

2. The San qian Fo ming jing 三千佛名經 in one juan
The names of two thousand Buddhas of the past and future were added to the original form of the text [i.e. T447a/b], forming a San qian Fo ming jing 三千佛名經 in one juan. Sengyou lists this title in the section of extant anonymous scriptures 失譯有本部 of CSZJJ. This text probably featured elements of Amitabha worship, as the preface contains the phrase 生無量壽佛國、立大誓願.

3. The text was separated into three scriptures in their present form 現形
The portions of the text each listing one thousand Buddhas of each of the three times 三劫 became independent texts. The preface to the portion of the text on the Buddhas of the past 過去分 (T446) is about the three times, which is incongruent with the content of T446 alone, showing that the text was not modified when its parts were separated. The word present 現在 was probably added to the title of T447 when it was separated from the other two. The three scriptures is not listed in CSZJJ, but they are in LDSBJ, and survived in the Ming edition and in some exemplars of the Song edition 宋本. Fajing list the three titles, although classifying them as missing 缺本. Thus, the date at which the texts were separated should be between the end of the Liang 梁 period and the Sui period.

4. The three texts were (re)combined to form the San jie san qian Fo ming jing 三劫三千佛名經 in three juan
The separate three scriptures were then put together again, making the three-juan San jie san qian Fo ming jing 三劫三千佛名經. this scripture was first listed in KYL, has survived in the Yuan edition and in some exemplars of the Song edition. The title of each separate scripture is at the beginning of each juan, indicating that the three texts were put together again after they had first circulated separately for a time.

5. Contrition rites 懺悔法 were then added in the Korean edition 麗本
Contrition rites 懺悔法 were then added to T446 and T448. Ōno takes the [earliest end of] the versions of the texts in the lineage of the Three Editions (Song, Yuan, Ming) to be older than those in the Korean edition.

Ōno argues that stages 3, 4, and 5 in this development occurred in China, meaning that the resulting texts were strictly “Chinese compositions”, because:

5: the content of the added contrition rites 懺悔法 indicates that they were compiled in China.

3 and 4: The introduction 序分 uses material from the Lotus Sūtra, and the conclusion 結分 draws upon a section of 2 that Ōno refers to as the “general introduction for all three times” 三世総序 [apparently the introduce or preface preserved in T446, but referring to all three times as mentioned above].

Edit

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Ono discusses relations between “Sutra on the One Thousand Buddha Names of the Present Auspicious Aeon” 現在賢劫千佛名經 T447 and two other “one-thousand Buddha” 千佛 scriptures, on the Buddhas of the past and future: the Guoqu Zhuangyan jie qian Fo ming jing 過去荘嚴劫千佛名經 T446; and the Weilai Xingxiu jie qian Fo ming jing 未來星宿劫千佛名經 T448. He notes that among these three texts, content relating to confession is least developed in the “future” sutra T448, and further that the “past” sutra T446 contains part of the same confession rites 懺悔法 as the “present” sutra T447, but those in T447 are “most complete” 最も整つた. Ono gives a theory of five stages in the development of these three “one-thousand Buddhas” 千佛 scriptures. These texts are treated as separate in the Korean and Ming editions, while in the Yuan edition they are combined together as the San jie san qian Fo ming jing 三劫三千佛名經 in three juan. Ono thinks the text/s developed as follows: 1. The Xianjie qian Fo ming jing 賢劫千佛名經 in one juan. The Xianjie qian Fo ming jing賢劫千佛名經 in one juan (cf. T447a/b) was adapted from the twentieth chapter, the “Qian Fo minghao pin” 千佛名號品 of the Bhadrakalpika 賢劫經 (cf. T425, ascribed to Dharmaraksa). Ono maintains that T447a/b should indeed be classified as an anonymous separate translation [as in the canon], rather an excerpted text compiled in China, since the translation style 譯文 is totally different from that of Dharmaraksa [Ono’s logic here is apparently that if T447 was excerpted from the Bhadrakalpika in China, we should see stylistic resemlances to Dharmaraksa; since we do not, T447 must have been made into a separate text outside China, and translated independently of T425 – MR]. In CSZJJ, Sengyou lists this title in the section of extant anonymous scriptures 失譯有本部, but he also lists the same title among the words of Tanwulan 竺曇無蘭. According to Ono, the Xianjie qian Fo ming jing has survived in the “Palace” (Kunaisho) canon 宮本 and in some exemplars 或種 of the Song edition 宋本. 2. The San qian Fo ming jing 三千佛名經 in one juan The names of two thousand Buddhas of the past and future were added to the original form of the text [i.e. T447a/b], forming a San qian Fo ming jing 三千佛名經 in one juan. Sengyou lists this title in the section of extant anonymous scriptures 失譯有本部 of CSZJJ. This text probably featured elements of Amitabha worship, as the preface contains the phrase 生無量壽佛國、立大誓願. 3. The text was separated into three scriptures in their present form 現形 The portions of the text each listing one thousand Buddhas of each of the three times 三劫 became independent texts. The preface to the portion of the text on the Buddhas of the past 過去分 (T446) is about the three times, which is incongruent with the content of T446 alone, showing that the text was not modified when its parts were separated. The word present 現在 was probably added to the title of T447 when it was separated from the other two. The three scriptures is not listed in CSZJJ, but they are in LDSBJ, and survived in the Ming edition and in some exemplars of the Song edition 宋本. Fajing list the three titles, although classifying them as missing 缺本. Thus, the date at which the texts were separated should be between the end of the Liang 梁 period and the Sui period. 4. The three texts were (re)combined to form the San jie san qian Fo ming jing 三劫三千佛名經 in three juan The separate three scriptures were then put together again, making the three-juan San jie san qian Fo ming jing 三劫三千佛名經. this scripture was first listed in KYL, has survived in the Yuan edition and in some exemplars of the Song edition. The title of each separate scripture is at the beginning of each juan, indicating that the three texts were put together again after they had first circulated separately for a time. 5. Contrition rites 懺悔法 were then added in the Korean edition 麗本 Contrition rites 懺悔法 were then added to T446 and T448. Ono takes the [earliest end of] the versions of the texts in the lineage of the Three Editions (Song, Yuan, Ming) to be older than those in the Korean edition. Ono argues that stages 3, 4, and 5 in this development occurred in China, meaning that the resulting texts were strictly “Chinese compositions”, because: 5: the content of the added contrition rites 懺悔法 indicates that they were compiled in China. 3 and 4: The introduction 序分 uses material from the Lotus Sutra, and the conclusion 結分 draws upon a section of 2 that Ono refers to as the “general introduction for all three times” 三世総序 [apparently the introduce or preface preserved in T446, but referring to all three times as mentioned above]. San jie san qian Fo ming jing 三劫三千佛名經 T0446; Guoqu zhuangyan jie qian Fo ming jing 過去莊嚴劫千佛名經; 過去莊嚴劫千佛名經; Guoqu zhuangyan jie qian Fo ming jing 過去莊嚴劫千佛名經; Ji zhu Fo da gongde shan 集諸佛大功德山 T0447; 現在賢劫千佛名經 T0448; 未來星宿劫千佛名經

Ōno follows LDSBJ for the ascription of the Mañjuśrīparipṛcchā 文殊師利問經 T468. LDSBJ records that the original text was brought to China by *Mandra 曼陀羅 from Funan 扶南國, and translated in Tianjian 天監 17 (518 CE) by *Saṅghavarman/Saṅghabhara 僧伽婆羅, who was also from Funan. Yuan Tanyun 袁曇允 worked as amanuensis 筆受, and Fayun of Guangzhai si 光宅寺法雲 did the proofreading 詳定. DZKZM, DTNDL, and KYL accepted this ascription from LDSBJ. However, Fajing, Yancong, and Jingtai classify T468 as anonymous.

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Ono follows LDSBJ for the ascription of the Manjusripariprccha 文殊師利問經 T468. LDSBJ records that the original text was brought to China by *Mandra 曼陀羅 from Funan 扶南國, and translated in Tianjian 天監 17 (518 CE) by *Sanghavarman/Sanghabhara 僧伽婆羅, who was also from Funan. Yuan Tanyun 袁曇允 worked as amanuensis 筆受, and Fayun of Guangzhai si 光宅寺法雲 did the proofreading 詳定. DZKZM, DTNDL, and KYL accepted this ascription from LDSBJ. However, Fajing, Yancong, and Jingtai classify T468 as anonymous. *Samghabhara?, *Samghavara?, *Samghavarman? *Simha-??, 僧伽婆羅 Fayun, 法雲 Yuan Tanyun 袁曇允 T0468; 文殊師利問經

There are two texts ascribed to Xian gong bearing the title Yuedeng sanmei jing 月燈三昧經. The second, T641, is only fragmentary, and is included in the Korean edition only. Unlike T640, which is common to all editions of the canon, the contents of T641 do not correspond to any part of the Yuedeng sanmei jing 月燈三昧經 T639, but the phraseology 語調 is similar to a section in juan 5 where four types of distinction 四種分別 are listed. The ascription of T641 to Xiangong 先公 is due to the confusion of this text with T640 (the ascription of which Ōno does not challenge). LDSBJ lists in the section of An Shigao’s works a Yuedeng sanmeijing 月燈三昧經, of which he says 一巻出大月燈三昧經. KYL accepts this entry, stating that the text is missing 缺本. However, Ōno claims that the vocabulary of this fragmentary version is that of the (Liu) Song period or later, and the text should be reclassified as anonymous.

Edit

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There are two texts ascribed to Xian gong bearing the title Yuedeng sanmei jing 月燈三昧經. The second, T641, is only fragmentary, and is included in the Korean edition only. Unlike T640, which is common to all editions of the canon, the contents of T641 do not correspond to any part of the Yuedeng sanmei jing 月燈三昧經 T639, but the phraseology 語調 is similar to a section in juan 5 where four types of distinction 四種分別 are listed. The ascription of T641 to Xiangong 先公 is due to the confusion of this text with T640 (the ascription of which Ono does not challenge). LDSBJ lists in the section of An Shigao’s works a Yuedeng sanmeijing 月燈三昧經, of which he says 一巻出大月燈三昧經. KYL accepts this entry, stating that the text is missing 缺本. However, Ono claims that the vocabulary of this fragmentary version is that of the (Liu) Song period or later, and the text should be reclassified as anonymous. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0641; 佛說月燈三昧經

According to Ōno, the contents of the Anan si shi jing 阿難四事經 T493 are a continuation of the Fo chui niepan lüe shuo jiao jie jing 佛垂般涅槃略說教誡經 (Fo yijiao jing 佛遺教經) T389.

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According to Ono, the contents of the Anan si shi jing 阿難四事經 T493 are a continuation of the Fo chui niepan lue shuo jiao jie jing 佛垂般涅槃略說教誡經 (Fo yijiao jing 佛遺教經) T389. T0493; 佛說阿難四事經

The Fa mie jin jing 法滅盡經 T396 was first listed in CSZJJ, as an extant anonymous scripture. Although Fajing, Yancong, and Jingtai included it in the group of suspicious texts 疑惑部, KYL classifies it as an anonymous scripture of the Song period, and different editions of the canon 諸藏 followed KYL. Nonetheless, Ōno maintains that the style and vocabulary of T396 suggest that it is not a translated scripture. Ōno infers that the source of the restoration of Buddhism by Yueguang 月光興法 in T396 was the Shenri jing 申日經 (Candraprabhākumāra T535, ascribed to Dharmarakṣa).

Edit

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The Fa mie jin jing 法滅盡經 T396 was first listed in CSZJJ, as an extant anonymous scripture. Although Fajing, Yancong, and Jingtai included it in the group of suspicious texts 疑惑部, KYL classifies it as an anonymous scripture of the Song period, and different editions of the canon 諸藏 followed KYL. Nonetheless, Ono maintains that the style and vocabulary of T396 suggest that it is not a translated scripture. Ono infers that the source of the restoration of Buddhism by Yueguang 月光興法 in T396 was the Shenri jing 申日經 (Candraprabhakumara T535, ascribed to Dharmaraksa). Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0396; 佛說法滅盡經

Ōno states that the Dengji zhongde sanmei jing 等集眾德三昧經 T381 and the 集一切福德三昧經 T382 (both Sarvapuṇyasamuccayasamādhi) are alternate translations of the same text, and the explanation of the precepts in them is similar to that in the Qingjing pini fangguang jing 清淨毘尼方廣經 T1489.

Edit

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Ono states that the Dengji zhongde sanmei jing 等集眾德三昧經 T381 and the 集一切福德三昧經 T382 (both Sarvapunyasamuccayasamadhi) are alternate translations of the same text, and the explanation of the precepts in them is similar to that in the Qingjing pini fangguang jing 清淨毘尼方廣經 T1489. T0381; 等集眾德三昧經; 等集眾德經 T0382; 集一切福德三昧經; *Sarvapunyasamuccayasamadhi-sutra T1489; 清淨毘尼方廣經

The ascription of the Ji yiqie fude sanmei jing 集一切福德三昧經 T382 (Sarvapuṇyasamuccayasamādhi) to Kumārajīva carried in the present canon (T) comes from KYL, which accepted the ascription given in DZKZM 大周錄 citing the Zhenji si catalogue 眞寂寺錄. No prior catalogue had ascribed T382 to Kumārajīva. Ōno claims that the ascription to Kumārajīva is incorrect, and the date of translation should be sometime between the end of the Liang 梁 period and the beginning of the Sui period 梁巳後隋まで.

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The ascription of the Ji yiqie fude sanmei jing 集一切福德三昧經 T382 (Sarvapunyasamuccayasamadhi) to Kumarajiva carried in the present canon (T) comes from KYL, which accepted the ascription given in DZKZM 大周錄 citing the Zhenji si catalogue 眞寂寺錄. No prior catalogue had ascribed T382 to Kumarajiva. Ono claims that the ascription to Kumarajiva is incorrect, and the date of translation should be sometime between the end of the Liang 梁 period and the beginning of the Sui period 梁巳後隋まて. T0382; 集一切福德三昧經; *Sarvapunyasamuccayasamadhi-sutra

Ōno remarks that a Dengji sanmei jing 等集三昧經 in one juan ascribed to Bo Fazu 白法祖 in LDSBJ (T2034 [XLIX] 66b12) should be reascribed to Dharmarakṣa [almost certainly referring to the Dengji zhongde sanmei jing 等集眾德三昧經 T381 (Sarvapuṇyasamuccayasamādhi)] (249). [Ōno just mentions this point in one sentence, with no explanation --- AI.]

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Ono remarks that a Dengji sanmei jing 等集三昧經 in one juan ascribed to Bo Fazu 白法祖 in LDSBJ (T2034 [XLIX] 66b12) should be reascribed to Dharmaraksa [almost certainly referring to the Dengji zhongde sanmei jing 等集眾德三昧經 T381 (Sarvapunyasamuccayasamadhi)] (249). [Ono just mentions this point in one sentence, with no explanation --- AI.] Dharmaraksa 竺法護, 曇摩羅察 T0381; 等集眾德三昧經; 等集眾德經

The Shenri jing 申日經 (Candraprabhākumāra) T535 is ascribed to Dharmarakṣa. An older version of the text also exists, the Shenri’er ben jing 申日兒本經 (T536), as well as newer versions, the Yueguang tongyi jing 月光童子經 (T534, also ascribed to Dharmarakṣa) and the Dehu zhangzhe jing 德護長者經 (T545). Ōno also states that T535 and T534 are old translations, since they are listed in Dao’an’s catalogue as anonymous scriptures, and that the ascription of those two to Dharmarakṣa in the Taishō is incorrect.

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The Shenri jing 申日經 (Candraprabhakumara) T535 is ascribed to Dharmaraksa. An older version of the text also exists, the Shenri’er ben jing 申日兒本經 (T536), as well as newer versions, the Yueguang tongyi jing 月光童子經 (T534, also ascribed to Dharmaraksa) and the Dehu zhangzhe jing 德護長者經 (T545). Ono also states that T535 and T534 are old translations, since they are listed in Dao’an’s catalogue as anonymous scriptures, and that the ascription of those two to Dharmaraksa in the Taisho is incorrect. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0534; 佛說月光童子經 T0535; 佛說申日經; Shenyue jing 申曰經

According to Ōno, the Pusa jie ben 菩薩戒本 (Yuqie jie ben 瑜伽戒本) T1501, ascribed to Xuanzang (as editor 編), consists almost entirely of verbatim excerpts from the Yogācārabhūmi 瑜伽論 T1579, except for the first one or two characters of each section各節初頭の一二字を除けば、全篇悉く瑜伽論の文である. In comparison with the “Bodhisatvabhūmi prātimokṣa” 地持戒本 T1500, the precepts 戒條 are largely the same, but T1501 is much simpler in structure.

Ōno states that it is an open question whether T1501 (as well as the Pusa jie jiemo wen 菩薩戒羯磨文 T1499, also ascribed to Xuanzang) is a proper translation or not, and maintains that probably T1501 was excerpted from Yogācārabhūmi and edited by Xuanzang. According to the preface to T1499 by Jingmai 静邁, Xuanzang carefully checked 吟味 his text before completion. KYL records that Xuanzang“translated” T1499 and T1501 in the seventh month of Zhenguan 貞觀 23 (649), while he completed the translation of the Yogācārabhūmi in the fifth month of the previous year. Ōno points out that, as the two scriptures use parts of YBh verbatim, Xuanzang would not have needed to check the texts very carefully, even if there did exist independent source texts for both. This being so, Ōno argues, the careful check Xuanzang made should have been of the structure of the two excerpt texts, not the new translation work. Hence, the T1499 and T1501 are not new translations, but newly-edited excerpts from YBh).

Edit

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According to Ono, the Pusa jie ben 菩薩戒本 (Yuqie jie ben 瑜伽戒本) T1501, ascribed to Xuanzang (as editor 編), consists almost entirely of verbatim excerpts from the Yogacarabhumi 瑜伽論 T1579, except for the first one or two characters of each section各節初頭の一二字を除けは、全篇悉く瑜伽論の文てある. In comparison with the “Bodhisatvabhumi pratimoksa” 地持戒本 T1500, the precepts 戒條 are largely the same, but T1501 is much simpler in structure. Ono states that it is an open question whether T1501 (as well as the Pusa jie jiemo wen 菩薩戒羯磨文 T1499, also ascribed to Xuanzang) is a proper translation or not, and maintains that probably T1501 was excerpted from Yogacarabhumi and edited by Xuanzang. According to the preface to T1499 by Jingmai 静邁, Xuanzang carefully checked 吟味 his text before completion. KYL records that Xuanzang“translated” T1499 and T1501 in the seventh month of Zhenguan 貞觀 23 (649), while he completed the translation of the Yogacarabhumi in the fifth month of the previous year. Ono points out that, as the two scriptures use parts of YBh verbatim, Xuanzang would not have needed to check the texts very carefully, even if there did exist independent source texts for both. This being so, Ono argues, the careful check Xuanzang made should have been of the structure of the two excerpt texts, not the new translation work. Hence, the T1499 and T1501 are not new translations, but newly-edited excerpts from YBh). Xuanzang, 玄奘 T1501; 菩薩戒本

Ōno regards the Shou wu jie ba jie wen 受五戒八戒文 T916 as a Chinese composition 中國製作. He states that the author is unknown, but it was written probably in the Tang period. T916 was brought to Japan by Kūkai (Kōbō Daishi) 弘法大師 (in 御將來目錄), and the Shukusatsu daizōkyō 縮刷大藏經 was the first edition of the canon to include the text.

Edit

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Ono regards the Shou wu jie ba jie wen 受五戒八戒文 T916 as a Chinese composition 中國製作. He states that the author is unknown, but it was written probably in the Tang period. T916 was brought to Japan by Kukai (Kobo Daishi) 弘法大師 (in 御將來目錄), and the Shukusatsu daizokyo 縮刷大藏經 was the first edition of the canon to include the text. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0916; Tang; 受五戒八戒文

Referring to Mochizuki (Bukkyō daijiten) and Tokiwa (Bussho kaisetsu daijiten), Ōno claim that the contents of the Dasheng bensheng xin di guan jing 大乘本生心地觀經 T159 are related to the Bensheng jing 本生經, the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa 維摩經, the Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra 涅槃經; commentaries on Yogācāra/Vijñaptimātra; Chinese commentaries 章疏; T1484; and the Zhu Fo jingjie she zhenshi jing 諸佛境界攝真實經 T868.

T159 consistently uses the term 世尊 for bhagavan up to the seventh juan, but in the eighth juan uses 薄伽梵 following T868. At the same time, T159 contains terms not used in T868, such as 平等性智. Ōno claims that those inconsistencies are the sign of revision in China 中國改修 (286).

A colophon to the first juan of the Ishiyama-dera 石山寺 copy of T159 (T vol. IX 331 n. 8) records that the translation was done in Yuanhe 元和 5-6 (810-811 CE; Prajña translated the text, and Ryōsen 靈仙, a monk from Japan, worked as amanuensis 筆受. The Yuan edition also records the text was translated in the Yuanhe era, and the preface 經序 states that the translation was done in the 194th year of the Tang, which is 811. The Monastic Controller Eshin 慧心僧都 (Eshin Sōzu, viz. Genshin 源信), in his Ichijō yōketsu 一乗要決, states that the Yogācāra terms in T159 were probably added by Ryōsen 靈仙 of the Faxiang/Hossō 法相 school (286-287).

Edit

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Referring to Mochizuki (Bukkyo daijiten) and Tokiwa (Bussho kaisetsu daijiten), Ono claim that the contents of the Dasheng bensheng xin di guan jing 大乘本生心地觀經 T159 are related to the Bensheng jing 本生經, the Vimalakirti-nirdesa 維摩經, the Mahaparinirvana-mahasutra 涅槃經; commentaries on Yogacara/Vijnaptimatra; Chinese commentaries 章疏; T1484; and the Zhu Fo jingjie she zhenshi jing 諸佛境界攝真實經 T868. T159 consistently uses the term 世尊 for bhagavan up to the seventh juan, but in the eighth juan uses 薄伽梵 following T868. At the same time, T159 contains terms not used in T868, such as 平等性智. Ono claims that those inconsistencies are the sign of revision in China 中國改修 (286). A colophon to the first juan of the Ishiyama-dera 石山寺 copy of T159 (T vol. IX 331 n. 8) records that the translation was done in Yuanhe 元和 5-6 (810-811 CE; Prajna translated the text, and Ryosen 靈仙, a monk from Japan, worked as amanuensis 筆受. The Yuan edition also records the text was translated in the Yuanhe era, and the preface 經序 states that the translation was done in the 194th year of the Tang, which is 811. The Monastic Controller Eshin 慧心僧都 (Eshin Sozu, viz. Genshin 源信), in his Ichijo yoketsu 一乗要決, states that the Yogacara terms in T159 were probably added by Ryosen 靈仙 of the Faxiang/Hosso 法相 school (286-287). *Prajna, 般若 T0159; 大乘本生心地觀經

According to Ōno, LDSBJ records that the Candragarbha-vaipulyasūtra 大方等大集月藏經 (月藏經, T397(15)) was included in the Mahāsaṃnipāta by Sengjiu 僧就. In the “three editions” SYM, this text also included as a separate scripture, the Dafangdeng daji Yuezang jing 大方等大集月藏經 in ten juan. Ōno states that the merits 功徳 of the ten good acts 十善 as presented in T397(15) are largely the same as in the Shi de liu du pin 十德六度品 of the Sāgaranāgarāja-paripṛcchā 海龍王經 (T598), although the basic characterization of the ten good acts 十善 is slightly different in the two scriptures.

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According to Ono, LDSBJ records that the Candragarbha-vaipulyasutra 大方等大集月藏經 (月藏經, T397(15)) was included in the Mahasamnipata by Sengjiu 僧就. In the “three editions” SYM, this text also included as a separate scripture, the Dafangdeng daji Yuezang jing 大方等大集月藏經 in ten juan. Ono states that the merits 功徳 of the ten good acts 十善 as presented in T397(15) are largely the same as in the Shi de liu du pin 十德六度品 of the Sagaranagaraja-pariprccha 海龍王經 (T598), although the basic characterization of the ten good acts 十善 is slightly different in the two scriptures. T397(15); Xumizang fen 須彌藏分, "*Sumerugarbha portion"

According to Ōno, the Trisaṃvara-nirdeśa 大方廣三戒經 T311 was first listed in Fajing, followed by LDSBJ, Yancong, Jingtai, DTNDL and other catalogues, as anonymous. The ascription to *Dharmakṣema was first given by DZKZM citing Fashang, followed by KYL and then the Taishō. Ōno claims that the phraseology of T311 is not that of *Dharmakṣema. Hence T311 should be reclassified as an anonymous scripture of the (Liu) Song period.

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According to Ono, the Trisamvara-nirdesa 大方廣三戒經 T311 was first listed in Fajing, followed by LDSBJ, Yancong, Jingtai, DTNDL and other catalogues, as anonymous. The ascription to *Dharmaksema was first given by DZKZM citing Fashang, followed by KYL and then the Taisho. Ono claims that the phraseology of T311 is not that of *Dharmaksema. Hence T311 should be reclassified as an anonymous scripture of the (Liu) Song period. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0311; 大方廣三戒經

Ōno states that the Wuwei sanzang chan yao 無畏三藏禪要 (T917 (“Śubhākarasaṃha Trepiṭaka’s epitome of instruction for dhyāna practice”) was produced while Śubhākarasaṃha 善無畏 was active as a monk (716-735 CE). It is an extended 増補 version of a text by Huijing 慧警, as a passage at the end of it states 京西明寺慧警禪師。先有撰集。今再詳補。頗謂備焉 (T917 [XVIII] 946a20-21). The Shukusatsu daizōkyō 大日本校訂縮刷大藏經 first included T917 in the canon, using the edition proofread and extended 校訂加筆 by Jōgon 淨嚴 at the Kawachi Enmeiji 河内延命寺 temple. The Taishō uses the Shukusatsu edition as its base text 原本. According to Ōno, the Shou wu jie ba jie wen 受五戒八戒文 T916, the Putixin yi 菩提心義 T1953, and the Gongyang yishi 供養儀式 T859 (one juan each) were also included in the canon through the same process as T917.

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Ono states that the Wuwei sanzang chan yao 無畏三藏禪要 (T917 (“Subhakarasamha Trepitaka’s epitome of instruction for dhyana practice”) was produced while Subhakarasamha 善無畏 was active as a monk (716-735 CE). It is an extended 増補 version of a text by Huijing 慧警, as a passage at the end of it states 京西明寺慧警禪師。先有撰集。今再詳補。頗謂備焉 (T917 [XVIII] 946a20-21). The Shukusatsu daizokyo 大日本校訂縮刷大藏經 first included T917 in the canon, using the edition proofread and extended 校訂加筆 by Jogon 淨嚴 at the Kawachi Enmeiji 河内延命寺 temple. The Taisho uses the Shukusatsu edition as its base text 原本. According to Ono, the Shou wu jie ba jie wen 受五戒八戒文 T916, the Putixin yi 菩提心義 T1953, and the Gongyang yishi 供養儀式 T859 (one juan each) were also included in the canon through the same process as T917. T0859; 供養儀式 T0916; Tang; 受五戒八戒文 T0917; 無畏三藏禪要 T1953; 菩提心義

Ōno states that the anonymous Dafangguang shi lun jin 大方廣十輪經 T410 (Daśacakrakṣitigarbha) was intended to be connected to the Candragarbha-sūtra 月藏經 T397(15), as indicated by the phrase 説月藏訖爾時 (T410 [XIII] 681a9-11). As such, it is odd that Sengjiu 僧就 did not include T410 in the Mahāsaṃnipāta. T410 was first dated to the northern Liang 北涼 by KYL, but Ōno thinks that it should be redated as in or around the 北齊 period (550-570), after the end of the Liang 梁 period (505-570 CE). This is because T410 is not listed by Sengyou, but is listed in Fajing under the title Fangguang shi lun jing 方廣十輪經. Fajing cites other catalogues of the Nanbeichao 南北朝 period, the latest of which is Fashang of the Northern Qi.

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Ono states that the anonymous Dafangguang shi lun jin 大方廣十輪經 T410 (Dasacakraksitigarbha) was intended to be connected to the Candragarbha-sutra 月藏經 T397(15), as indicated by the phrase 説月藏訖爾時 (T410 [XIII] 681a9-11). As such, it is odd that Sengjiu 僧就 did not include T410 in the Mahasamnipata. T410 was first dated to the northern Liang 北涼 by KYL, but Ono thinks that it should be redated as in or around the 北齊 period (550-570), after the end of the Liang 梁 period (505-570 CE). This is because T410 is not listed by Sengyou, but is listed in Fajing under the title Fangguang shi lun jing 方廣十輪經. Fajing cites other catalogues of the Nanbeichao 南北朝 period, the latest of which is Fashang of the Northern Qi. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0410; 大方廣十輪經

Ōno states that the ten-chapter version of the *Mahāsaṃnipāta 大方等大集經 T397 in twenty-four juan seen by Sengyou (eleven chapters, with the sixth missing) should have been the version translated by *Dharmakṣema (290). The Ākāśagarbha-sūtra 虛空藏品 and Akṣayamati-nirdeśa 無盡意品 were therefore added before the Liang 梁 period. The Ākāśagarbha-nirdeśa 虛空藏品 T379(8) is therefore actually the Fangdengwang Xu[kong]zang jing 方等王虛藏經 [sic, presumably方等王虛空藏經] in five juan ascribed to Shengjian 聖堅 of the W. Qin. This text was probably included in the Mahāsaṃipāta probably because it calls itself Dabao ji jing 大寶集經:此大寶[v.l. 普]集經 (T397 [XIII] 94b29). In different versions of the Mahāsaṃnipāta, this scripture is variously placed: in SYM, it substitutes for the missing sixth chapter in *Dharmakṣema; in the twelve-chapter version, it comes ninth, after Ch. 7 無言品 and Ch. 8 不可脱品; and in the Korean edition, it comes eighth, so that the usual Ch. 7 無言品 becomes Ch. 6, Ch. 8 becomes Ch. 7, and so on.

Ōno points out that T397(8) differs in style from T397(1-7) and T397(8-11). It also starts with 如是我聞, as though it is an independent scripture. In addition, as Matsumoto Bunzaburō points out, its phraseology is not that of *Dharmakṣema (291).

Ōno supposes that T397(8) was translated under Emperor Wu 武 of the (Liu) Song (420-422 CE). However, CSZJJ is not quite consistent in its reports about the title Fangdengwang Xukongzang jing 方等王虛空藏經, as it includes the title in the group of *Dharmakṣema’s translations, while at the same time giving a note stating that the Bie lu 別錄 ascribed it to Shengjian 聖堅 (方等王虛空藏經五卷(或云大虛空藏經檢經文與大集經第八虛空藏品同未詳是別出者不別錄云河南國乞佛時沙門釋聖堅譯出), T2145 [LV] 11b13-14). Ōno asserts that there is no evidence that *Dharmakṣema translated a version of this text (291-292).

Edit

290-292

Ono states that the ten-chapter version of the *Mahasamnipata 大方等大集經 T397 in twenty-four juan seen by Sengyou (eleven chapters, with the sixth missing) should have been the version translated by *Dharmaksema (290). The Akasagarbha-sutra 虛空藏品 and Aksayamati-nirdesa 無盡意品 were therefore added before the Liang 梁 period. The Akasagarbha-nirdesa 虛空藏品 T379(8) is therefore actually the Fangdengwang Xu[kong]zang jing 方等王虛藏經 [sic, presumably方等王虛空藏經] in five juan ascribed to Shengjian 聖堅 of the W. Qin. This text was probably included in the Mahasamipata probably because it calls itself Dabao ji jing 大寶集經:此大寶[v.l. 普]集經 (T397 [XIII] 94b29). In different versions of the Mahasamnipata, this scripture is variously placed: in SYM, it substitutes for the missing sixth chapter in *Dharmaksema; in the twelve-chapter version, it comes ninth, after Ch. 7 無言品 and Ch. 8 不可脱品; and in the Korean edition, it comes eighth, so that the usual Ch. 7 無言品 becomes Ch. 6, Ch. 8 becomes Ch. 7, and so on. Ono points out that T397(8) differs in style from T397(1-7) and T397(8-11). It also starts with 如是我聞, as though it is an independent scripture. In addition, as Matsumoto Bunzaburo points out, its phraseology is not that of *Dharmaksema (291). Ono supposes that T397(8) was translated under Emperor Wu 武 of the (Liu) Song (420-422 CE). However, CSZJJ is not quite consistent in its reports about the title Fangdengwang Xukongzang jing 方等王虛空藏經, as it includes the title in the group of *Dharmaksema’s translations, while at the same time giving a note stating that the Bie lu 別錄 ascribed it to Shengjian 聖堅 (方等王虛空藏經五卷(或云大虛空藏經檢經文與大集經第八虛空藏品同未詳是別出者不別錄云河南國乞佛時沙門釋聖堅譯出), T2145 [LV] 11b13-14). Ono asserts that there is no evidence that *Dharmaksema translated a version of this text (291-292). T397(8); 虚空藏品; Gaganaganjapariprccha; Da puji jing 大普集經; Dabao ji jing 大寶集經

Ōno states that the ten-chapter version of the *Mahāsaṃnipāta 大方等大集經 T397 in twenty-four juan seen by Sengyou (eleven chapters, with the sixth missing) should have been the version translated by *Dharmakṣema (290). The Ākāśagarbha-sūtra 虛空藏品 T397(8) and Akṣayamati-nirdeśa 無盡意品 T397(12) were therefore added before the Liang 梁 period. For Ōno, the addition of the Akṣayamati-nirdeśa (無盡意菩薩經) in four juan is the starting point of the first phase of Chinese development of the Mahāsaṃnipata. T397(12), like T197(8), takes the form of an independent scripture, and contain terms not used by *Dharmakṣema.

The Akṣayamati-nirdeśa has been variously ascribed to (1) Zhiyan 智嚴 and Baoyun 寶雲, (2) to Dharmarakṣa, and (3) to Fajuan 法眷. On the basis of phraseology, Ōno claims that the ascription to Zhiyan and Baoyun, which is followed in the Taishō, is the most plausible. However, Ōno points out that this ascription was first given in LDSBJ, citing the Li Kuo catalogue, and that LDSBJ was subsequently followed by DTNDL, DZKZM, and KYL; this title is not listed in CSZJJ.

The ascription to Dharmarakṣa is given in Fajing, Yancong, and Jingtai. Ōno maintains that this ascription derives from a listing of a Wujinyi jing 無盡意經 in four juan in Dao’an’s catalogue, and that this title in Dao’an refers to the version of the Akṣayamati-nirdeśa entitled Achamo jing 阿差末經 T403, not to T397(12). Nonetheless, it is striking that Sengyou juxtaposes in his section on Dharmarakṣa a Wujinyi jing 無盡意經 carried over from Dao’an [i.e., the阿差末經] and a separate Achamo jing 阿差末經 citing Bielu 別錄 (T2145 [LV] 7c13, 8c7). This confused Fajing, who writes as if Dharmarakṣa translated two different texts. Ōno points out that in any case, the vocabulary of T397(12) is not of the W. Jin, but of the Nanbeichao 南北朝 period.

The third ascription to Fajuan came from the fact that a Wujinyi jing in five juan is listed among Fajuan’s works in CSZJJ. However, all scriptures ascribed to 法眷 are recorded as missing, and were circulated only in part of China (292).

Edit

290-292

Ono states that the ten-chapter version of the *Mahasamnipata 大方等大集經 T397 in twenty-four juan seen by Sengyou (eleven chapters, with the sixth missing) should have been the version translated by *Dharmaksema (290). The Akasagarbha-sutra 虛空藏品 T397(8) and Aksayamati-nirdesa 無盡意品 T397(12) were therefore added before the Liang 梁 period. For Ono, the addition of the Aksayamati-nirdesa (無盡意菩薩經) in four juan is the starting point of the first phase of Chinese development of the Mahasamnipata. T397(12), like T197(8), takes the form of an independent scripture, and contain terms not used by *Dharmaksema. The Aksayamati-nirdesa has been variously ascribed to (1) Zhiyan 智嚴 and Baoyun 寶雲, (2) to Dharmaraksa, and (3) to Fajuan 法眷. On the basis of phraseology, Ono claims that the ascription to Zhiyan and Baoyun, which is followed in the Taisho, is the most plausible. However, Ono points out that this ascription was first given in LDSBJ, citing the Li Kuo catalogue, and that LDSBJ was subsequently followed by DTNDL, DZKZM, and KYL; this title is not listed in CSZJJ. The ascription to Dharmaraksa is given in Fajing, Yancong, and Jingtai. Ono maintains that this ascription derives from a listing of a Wujinyi jing 無盡意經 in four juan in Dao’an’s catalogue, and that this title in Dao’an refers to the version of the Aksayamati-nirdesa entitled Achamo jing 阿差末經 T403, not to T397(12). Nonetheless, it is striking that Sengyou juxtaposes in his section on Dharmaraksa a Wujinyi jing 無盡意經 carried over from Dao’an [i.e., the阿差末經] and a separate Achamo jing 阿差末經 citing Bielu 別錄 (T2145 [LV] 7c13, 8c7). This confused Fajing, who writes as if Dharmaraksa translated two different texts. Ono points out that in any case, the vocabulary of T397(12) is not of the W. Jin, but of the Nanbeichao 南北朝 period. The third ascription to Fajuan came from the fact that a Wujinyi jing in five juan is listed among Fajuan’s works in CSZJJ. However, all scriptures ascribed to 法眷 are recorded as missing, and were circulated only in part of China (292). Baoyun, 寶雲 Zhiyan, 智嚴 (Liu Song) T397(12); 無盡意品; Aksayamati-nirdesa

In the present canon 現藏, T1339 is ascribed to Fazhong 法衆, a monk of the Northern Liang, in Gaochang 高昌 commandery 北涼沙門法衆於高昌郡譯. Ōno points out that this ascription is incorrect, as it misunderstands Gaochang commandery 高昌郡, which was in fact Fazhong’s birthplace, as the place of translation. Fajing was the first to give this incorrect ascription, while CSZJJ and LDSBJ wrote correctly 高昌郡沙門法衆/ 高昌郡沙門釋法衆.

Edit

353

In the present canon 現藏, T1339 is ascribed to Fazhong 法衆, a monk of the Northern Liang, in Gaochang 高昌 commandery 北涼沙門法衆於高昌郡譯. Ono points out that this ascription is incorrect, as it misunderstands Gaochang commandery 高昌郡, which was in fact Fazhong’s birthplace, as the place of translation. Fajing was the first to give this incorrect ascription, while CSZJJ and LDSBJ wrote correctly 高昌郡沙門法衆/ 高昌郡沙門釋法衆. T1339; 大方等陀羅尼經

Ōno maintains that the Pusa jie ben 菩薩戒本 (*Bodhisatva prātimokṣa?)(Dichi jieben 地持戒本, *Bodhisatvabhūmi prātimokṣa?)(T1500) ascribed to *Dharmakṣema 曇無讖 was produced on the basis of the precepts chapter 戒品 of the Bodhisatvabhūmi 菩薩地持經 (T1581), a fairly long time after T1581 was translated, and that there are some pieces of evidence in T1500 indicating that, influenced by the “book of precepts” (prātimokṣa?) 戒本 in the Vinaya 律, the text was adjusted and used for the bodhisatva precepts 菩薩戒 as recited or administered at bimonthly Mahāyāna “precept assemblies” 説戒會 (that is, the equivalent of prātimokṣa recitation rituals) (415-416).

However, Ōno maintains that T1500 may well have been composed in China, for the following reasons:

CSZJJ lists a “book of bodhisatva precepts” (“bodhisatva prātimokṣa”?) 地持戒本 in the section on the works of *Dharmakṣema, with a note saying that according to the Bie lu, it was “issued” in Dunhuang [or by (the Trepiṭaka) “Dunhuang”?] 別録云燉煌出, without a date of translation. This entry is odd in three aspects:

1) CSZJJ provides the date of translation for other scriptures established as *Dharmakṣema’s work;

2) the claim that the text was “issued” in Dunhuang 燉煌出 is peculiar, as most of *Dharmakṣema’s translations were made in Guzang 姑臧 (Ōno states that although there are editions 藏經本 that record that T1500 was translated in 姑臧, they are not reliable);

3) the Yuqie jie ben 瑜伽戒本 (also called the Pusa jie bein 菩薩戒本) T1501, ascribed to Xuanzang, has added parts that were not in T1581. Ōno argues that, if the added parts had been used in India at Mahāyāna “precept assemblies” 説戒會 (? sic), Xuanzang would have included them in his Yuqie jie ben; since Xuanzang did not include them, it is likely that T1500 was produced in China, under the influence of *Dharmakṣema, who arrived in China as a holder of Mahāyāna precepts 戒 (416).

Ōno conjectures that T1500 was perhaps ascribed to *Dharmakṣema because *Dharmakṣema himself led the composition of this text, after earlier translating the Bodhisatvabhūmi 菩薩地持經 T1581, in which case the date of production should be 433 CE or earlier. However, it may also be the case that somebody else produced T1500 later, on the basis of excerpts from T1581. T1500 was recorded as missing from Yancong on, but regarded as again extant from KYL (416-417).

Edit

415-416

Ono maintains that the Pusa jie ben 菩薩戒本 (*Bodhisatva pratimoksa?)(Dichi jieben 地持戒本, *Bodhisatvabhumi pratimoksa?)(T1500) ascribed to *Dharmaksema 曇無讖 was produced on the basis of the precepts chapter 戒品 of the Bodhisatvabhumi 菩薩地持經 (T1581), a fairly long time after T1581 was translated, and that there are some pieces of evidence in T1500 indicating that, influenced by the “book of precepts” (pratimoksa?) 戒本 in the Vinaya 律, the text was adjusted and used for the bodhisatva precepts 菩薩戒 as recited or administered at bimonthly Mahayana “precept assemblies” 説戒會 (that is, the equivalent of pratimoksa recitation rituals) (415-416). However, Ono maintains that T1500 may well have been composed in China, for the following reasons: CSZJJ lists a “book of bodhisatva precepts” (“bodhisatva pratimoksa”?) 地持戒本 in the section on the works of *Dharmaksema, with a note saying that according to the Bie lu, it was “issued” in Dunhuang [or by (the Trepitaka) “Dunhuang”?] 別録云燉煌出, without a date of translation. This entry is odd in three aspects: 1) CSZJJ provides the date of translation for other scriptures established as *Dharmaksema’s work; 2) the claim that the text was “issued” in Dunhuang 燉煌出 is peculiar, as most of *Dharmaksema’s translations were made in Guzang 姑臧 (Ono states that although there are editions 藏經本 that record that T1500 was translated in 姑臧, they are not reliable); 3) the Yuqie jie ben 瑜伽戒本 (also called the Pusa jie bein 菩薩戒本) T1501, ascribed to Xuanzang, has added parts that were not in T1581. Ono argues that, if the added parts had been used in India at Mahayana “precept assemblies” 説戒會 (? sic), Xuanzang would have included them in his Yuqie jie ben; since Xuanzang did not include them, it is likely that T1500 was produced in China, under the influence of *Dharmaksema, who arrived in China as a holder of Mahayana precepts 戒 (416). Ono conjectures that T1500 was perhaps ascribed to *Dharmaksema because *Dharmaksema himself led the composition of this text, after earlier translating the Bodhisatvabhumi 菩薩地持經 T1581, in which case the date of production should be 433 CE or earlier. However, it may also be the case that somebody else produced T1500 later, on the basis of excerpts from T1581. T1500 was recorded as missing from Yancong on, but regarded as again extant from KYL (416-417). *Dharmaksema, 曇無讖 Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1500; 菩薩戒本

According to Ōno, the content of the Pusa jie jiemo wen 菩薩戒羯磨文 T1499 was taken from the precepts chapter 戒品 of the Maulībhūmi bodhisatvabhūmi 本地品菩薩地 section of the Yogācārabhūmi 瑜伽論 “by Maitreya” (cf. T1579). Especially, the section on rites for receiving precepts 受戒羯磨 section is almost identical with the corresponding section of YBh, except for the order of constituent parts and a small number of orthographic differences 僅少の文字. The preface to T1499 by Jingmai 静邁given in KYL records that it the text was translated 譯 by Xuanzang in Zhenguan 貞觀 23 (649 CE). However, Ōno maintains that, as he discussed in the section of his book on the “Bodhisatva prātimokṣa” 菩薩戒本 T1501 (see separate CBC@ note), Xuanzang probably excepted and edited his own translation of YBh T1579 in response to demands for a karma(n) 羯磨 for the Mahāyāna. Ōno states that the biography of Xuanzang by Kuiji 大慈恩寺 records that a group of people received bodhisatva precepts 菩薩戒 from Xuanzang in the year after the production of T1499. Ōno supposes that Xuanzang used the new T1499 for the occasion.

Edit

430-431

According to Ono, the content of the Pusa jie jiemo wen 菩薩戒羯磨文 T1499 was taken from the precepts chapter 戒品 of the Maulibhumi bodhisatvabhumi 本地品菩薩地 section of the Yogacarabhumi 瑜伽論 “by Maitreya” (cf. T1579). Especially, the section on rites for receiving precepts 受戒羯磨 section is almost identical with the corresponding section of YBh, except for the order of constituent parts and a small number of orthographic differences 僅少の文字. The preface to T1499 by Jingmai 静邁given in KYL records that it the text was translated 譯 by Xuanzang in Zhenguan 貞觀 23 (649 CE). However, Ono maintains that, as he discussed in the section of his book on the “Bodhisatva pratimoksa” 菩薩戒本 T1501 (see separate CBC@ note), Xuanzang probably excepted and edited his own translation of YBh T1579 in response to demands for a karma(n) 羯磨 for the Mahayana. Ono states that the biography of Xuanzang by Kuiji 大慈恩寺 records that a group of people received bodhisatva precepts 菩薩戒 from Xuanzang in the year after the production of T1499. Ono supposes that Xuanzang used the new T1499 for the occasion. Xuanzang, 玄奘 T1499; 菩薩戒羯磨文

“The Pusa jie jing菩薩戒經 in one juan, also called the Fan wang pusa jie jing 梵網菩薩戒經, is an excerpt of the second juan of the “Brahma net sūtra” 梵網經 T1484. It is structured with the ten grave and forty-eight light precepts 十重四十八輕戒 as the main content, each with a verse before and after it. This structure is the same as that of the “Bodhisatva prātimokṣa” 菩薩戒本 and the translated precept 戒 scriptures of the vinayadharma 律法.

This Pusa jie jing in one juan has been extant since the Liang 梁 period or earlier, but has never been included in the canon. However, Ōno states that a preface to the text 菩薩戒序 is inserted between the first and second juan of T1484 (in the Korean edition; T1484 (XXIV) 1003a15-b3 and 1003 n. 3), indicating that the inclusion of the text in the canon was at least considered. Probably, the canonisation of the text was not carried through because its contents are the same as the second juan of the “Brahma net sūtra”, so that it sufficed to include the preface only at this juncture.

Ōno maintain that in fact, the Pusa jie jing should have been entered into the canon, because it does not use all of the second juan of T1484 (unlike the “Avalokiteśvara sūtra” 觀音經 = Guanshiyin pusa pumen pin jing 觀世音菩薩普門品經, which was included in the Ming “northern” canon 明北藏, but excised in the Shukusatsu daizōkyō 縮藏 and the Taishō except for the preface, title and ascription, because it was exactly the same 同文 as the entirety of Ch 25 of T262, 妙法蓮華經觀世音菩薩普門品第二十五).

Ōno adds that the text of the Pusa jie ben came to include the entirety of the second juan of T1484 only in the mid-Tang 中唐 (the text originally began with the verse portion of the second juan). This version became dominant in the Song period and thereafter, but Ōno maintains that it was in fact the original version that had the standard prātimokṣa(?) 戒本 structure. Ōno ends his discussion of the Pusa jie jing with a list of its alternate titles (419-425).

Earlier in the book, Ōno discusses the same text: LDSBJ lists a Fan wang jing 梵網經 ascribed to Kang Mengxiang 康孟詳, and is followed in this regard by DZKZM, KYL and 貞元錄. However, Ōno points out that there was only ever one scripture firmly established as the work of Kang Mengxiang, viz., the Zhong benyi jing 中本起經 T196. He also states that even if there were another text with the title Fan wang jing, it was probably a translation of the Fan dong jing 梵動經 (*Brahmajāla-sūtra, corresponding to Brahmajāla-sutta DN 1) from the Dīrghāgama 長阿含經. DZKZM lists both a Fan wang jing 梵網經 ascribed to Kang Mengxiang and the same title ascribed to Kumārajīva, but the former does not exist, and the latter is a Chinese composition.

Edit

419-425

“The Pusa jie jing菩薩戒經 in one juan, also called the Fan wang pusa jie jing 梵網菩薩戒經, is an excerpt of the second juan of the “Brahma net sutra” 梵網經 T1484. It is structured with the ten grave and forty-eight light precepts 十重四十八輕戒 as the main content, each with a verse before and after it. This structure is the same as that of the “Bodhisatva pratimoksa” 菩薩戒本 and the translated precept 戒 scriptures of the vinayadharma 律法. This Pusa jie jing in one juan has been extant since the Liang 梁 period or earlier, but has never been included in the canon. However, Ono states that a preface to the text 菩薩戒序 is inserted between the first and second juan of T1484 (in the Korean edition; T1484 (XXIV) 1003a15-b3 and 1003 n. 3), indicating that the inclusion of the text in the canon was at least considered. Probably, the canonisation of the text was not carried through because its contents are the same as the second juan of the “Brahma net sutra”, so that it sufficed to include the preface only at this juncture. Ono maintain that in fact, the Pusa jie jing should have been entered into the canon, because it does not use all of the second juan of T1484 (unlike the “Avalokitesvara sutra” 觀音經 = Guanshiyin pusa pumen pin jing 觀世音菩薩普門品經, which was included in the Ming “northern” canon 明北藏, but excised in the Shukusatsu daizokyo 縮藏 and the Taisho except for the preface, title and ascription, because it was exactly the same 同文 as the entirety of Ch 25 of T262, 妙法蓮華經觀世音菩薩普門品第二十五). Ono adds that the text of the Pusa jie ben came to include the entirety of the second juan of T1484 only in the mid-Tang 中唐 (the text originally began with the verse portion of the second juan). This version became dominant in the Song period and thereafter, but Ono maintains that it was in fact the original version that had the standard pratimoksa(?) 戒本 structure. Ono ends his discussion of the Pusa jie jing with a list of its alternate titles (419-425). Earlier in the book, Ono discusses the same text: LDSBJ lists a Fan wang jing 梵網經 ascribed to Kang Mengxiang 康孟詳, and is followed in this regard by DZKZM, KYL and 貞元錄. However, Ono points out that there was only ever one scripture firmly established as the work of Kang Mengxiang, viz., the Zhong benyi jing 中本起經 T196. He also states that even if there were another text with the title Fan wang jing, it was probably a translation of the Fan dong jing 梵動經 (*Brahmajala-sutra, corresponding to Brahmajala-sutta DN 1) from the Dirghagama 長阿含經. DZKZM lists both a Fan wang jing 梵網經 ascribed to Kang Mengxiang and the same title ascribed to Kumarajiva, but the former does not exist, and the latter is a Chinese composition. Pusa jie jing菩薩戒經

Ōno points out that the title Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen 最上乘教受發菩提心戒懺悔文 (T915 [XVIII] 941a19), which is included as part of the Shou putixin jie yi 受菩提心戒儀 T915 in the present canon (T), should be treated as a separate text. Ōno states that, like T915, the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen uses the first five “gates” 門 of the Shou jie fa shiyi men 受戒法十一門 of the Wuwei sanzang chan yao T917. Unlike T915, however, the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen uses the text of T917 mostly as it was; the names of the five Buddhas 五佛 are added at the end; and there is no mantra added at the end of each “gate” 門. Ōno claims that the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen is clearly a Chinese composition, although the author is not known. In support of the claim that this is a separate text from T915, Ono cites as evidence:

the Nittō shingu shōgyō mokuroku 入唐新求聖教目錄 T2167 and the Shin shosha shōrai hōmon tō mokuroku 新書寫請來法門等目錄 (T2174A) list T915 and the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen separately;

the Eun risshi sho mokuroku 惠運律師書目録 (T2168B) records that the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen was brought to Japan as an independent text, and;

according to Jōgon 淨嚴, the version of T915 brought to Japan by Kūkai 空海將來本 did not include the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen.

The end-title 尾題 Zuishang shengjiao shou jie chanhui wen 最上乘教受戒懺悔文 is used in a variety of scripture inventories 諸家將來錄 (434).

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Ono points out that the title Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen 最上乘教受發菩提心戒懺悔文 (T915 [XVIII] 941a19), which is included as part of the Shou putixin jie yi 受菩提心戒儀 T915 in the present canon (T), should be treated as a separate text. Ono states that, like T915, the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen uses the first five “gates” 門 of the Shou jie fa shiyi men 受戒法十一門 of the Wuwei sanzang chan yao T917. Unlike T915, however, the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen uses the text of T917 mostly as it was; the names of the five Buddhas 五佛 are added at the end; and there is no mantra added at the end of each “gate” 門. Ono claims that the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen is clearly a Chinese composition, although the author is not known. In support of the claim that this is a separate text from T915, Ono cites as evidence: the Nitto shingu shogyo mokuroku 入唐新求聖教目錄 T2167 and the Shin shosha shorai homon to mokuroku 新書寫請來法門等目錄 (T2174A) list T915 and the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen separately; the Eun risshi sho mokuroku 惠運律師書目録 (T2168B) records that the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen was brought to Japan as an independent text, and; according to Jogon 淨嚴, the version of T915 brought to Japan by Kukai 空海將來本 did not include the Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen. The end-title 尾題 Zuishang shengjiao shou jie chanhui wen 最上乘教受戒懺悔文 is used in a variety of scripture inventories 諸家將來錄 (434). Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 Zuishang shengjiao shou jie chanhui wen 最上乘教受戒懺悔文; Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen 最上乘教受發菩提心戒懺悔文

According to Ōno, the Shou putixin jie yi 受菩提心戒儀 T915, ascribed to Amoghavajra 不空, is based on the first five “gates” 門of the Shou jie fa shiyi men 受戒法十一門 of the Wuwei sanzang chan yao 無畏三藏禪要 T917, changing the form into verse, with a mantra(s?) 真言 added to the end of each “gate.” The mantra at the end of the fifth section, 受菩提心戒, is the same as the dhāraṇī 陀羅尼 that appears in the second part, 受戒法, of T917. Ōno states that T915 was included in Yiqiejing mulu 一切經目錄 upon request from Amoghavajra himself in 772 CE (as recorded in the Xu Zhenyuan Shijiao lu 續開元釋教錄 T2156), and entered into the canon 入藏 in 945 CE (as also recorded in T2156). Ōno points out that the title Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen 最上乘教受發菩提心戒懺悔文 (T915 [XVIII] 941a19), which is included as part of T915 in the present canon (T), should be treated as a separate text.

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According to Ono, the Shou putixin jie yi 受菩提心戒儀 T915, ascribed to Amoghavajra 不空, is based on the first five “gates” 門of the Shou jie fa shiyi men 受戒法十一門 of the Wuwei sanzang chan yao 無畏三藏禪要 T917, changing the form into verse, with a mantra(s?) 真言 added to the end of each “gate.” The mantra at the end of the fifth section, 受菩提心戒, is the same as the dharani 陀羅尼 that appears in the second part, 受戒法, of T917. Ono states that T915 was included in Yiqiejing mulu 一切經目錄 upon request from Amoghavajra himself in 772 CE (as recorded in the Xu Zhenyuan Shijiao lu 續開元釋教錄 T2156), and entered into the canon 入藏 in 945 CE (as also recorded in T2156). Ono points out that the title Zuishang shengjiao shou putixin jie chanhui wen 最上乘教受發菩提心戒懺悔文 (T915 [XVIII] 941a19), which is included as part of T915 in the present canon (T), should be treated as a separate text. T0915; 受菩提心戒儀

Ōno states that, in the Korean edition, the Sūryagarbha-vaipulyasūtra 大方等日藏經 T397(14) is included in the Mahāsaṃnipāta , but in SYM it is an independent text, with the title Dasheng dafangdeng Rizang jing 大乗大方等日藏經.

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Ono states that, in the Korean edition, the Suryagarbha-vaipulyasutra 大方等日藏經 T397(14) is included in the Mahasamnipata , but in SYM it is an independent text, with the title Dasheng dafangdeng Rizang jing 大乗大方等日藏經. T397(14); Suryagarbhavaipulya-sutra; Suryagarbha-sutra; Dasheng dafangdeng Rizang jing 大乗大方等日藏經; Rizang fen 日藏分

Ōno asserts that the “Brahma Net Sūtra” 梵網經 T1484 was composed in China, based upon source texts including the *Buddhāvataṃsaka, Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487, the Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra, the Bodhisatvabhūmi, the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488, the “Sūtra of Human Kings”, and Kumārajīva’s *Madhyama-śāstra 中論 T1564.

Ōno discusses four main sets of evidence indicating further that T1484 is a Chinese composition rather than a translation:

a. Internal inconsistencies, including the title of the text as a whole, and some chapter titles; the aforementioned insubstantiable claims that the text is part of a larger text; and vocabulary or terminology.

b. Peculiar vocabulary 用語奇異 (not seen in any other scriptures), e.g. 爾眞焰俗; chapter titles possibly influenced by Daoism (玄道定品, 日月道品,無相天王品); a peculiar list of the twelvefold sūtras 十二部經 (called 十二法品名味句):重誦, 記別, 直語, 偈, 不請説, 律戒, 譬喩, 佛界, 昔事, 方正, 未曾有, and 談説) which differs from the usual order, and includes many items not seen elsewhere; 十種力生品 for the ten powers of a Buddha; 十八聖人智品 for the eighteen āveṇikadharmas; names of the ten bodhisatva stages or “grounds” 十地; and 光光 instead of 光.

c. Chinese concepts 中國思想: 1. 三智, 2. 親靈の追善供養3. 大乗布薩, 4. 立法排拒, 5. 三千學士, 6. 讃戒偈.

d. The fact that the external evidence about the text is unreliable 史料不信, in which context Ōno attempts to explain the process by which the text came to be ascribed to Kumārajīva (279-280), and speculates about the date and circumstances of composition of the postface and the two prefaces (274-283).

On the basis of several pieces of external evidence, Ōno infers that T1484 was composed sometime between 431 CE and the late fifth century (281-283).

The text itself claims that it is the end part of a larger text 大本, the structure of which, as here presented, resembles that of the *Buddhāvataṃsaka. However, Ōno maintains that this larger text probably never existed (252-254). Juan 1 expounds the path of the bodhisatva, and juan 2 the theory of precepts 戒. Ōno points out that such a structure was traditionally used in other sūtras (e.g., the Pusa benye jing 菩薩本業經 T281 by Zhi Qian, itself a kind of “proto-*Buddhāvataṃsaka” or early text in the larger *Buddhāvataṃsaka genre), especially in those composed in China (e.g., the section of T1487 on the bodhisatva path, and the Rulai du zheng zi shi sanmei jing 如來獨證自誓三昧經 T623).

According to Ōno, the content of the ten precepts against grave infractions 十重戒 in T1484 is a mixture of the eight precepts against grave infractions for renunciants 出家八重戒 from the Bodhisatvabhūmi 菩薩善戒經 (T1582) and the six precepts against grave infractions 在家六重戒 from the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488 (善生経). He adds that the exposition of this same rubric is probably related to the four precepts against grave infractions 四重戒 from the Bodhisatvabhūmi 菩薩地持經 (T1581), the “four essential precepts against grave infractions”(?) 性重戒 from the Mahāparinirvāna-mahāsūtra [in portions of the text unique to *Dharmakṣema’s T374 and versions of the text derived therefrom --- MR], and the four precepts against grave infractions 四重禁 of the so-called Lü fa 律法 (a table of these ten items and corresponding elements in other materials is presented on 267). However, the ten precepts against grave infractions as presented in T1484 are richer in detail than in those other materials.

The forty-eight precepts against minor infractions 四十八輕戒 is called qinggouzui 輕垢罪 in T1484. According to Ōno, this term is used only in T1484 and the so-called Pusa yaoyi jing 菩薩要義 經 [perhaps referring to the [Pusa] Youposai wi jie weiyi jing [菩薩]優婆塞五戒威儀經 T1503? which is the only text besides shown by a CBETA search to contain 輕垢罪 --- MR]. These forty-eight precepts against minor infractions are based on the precepts to forestall derision from the world(?) 息世譏嫌戒 of the Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra [once again unique sections of *Dharmakṣema’s T374 and derived texts, in the same passage as the four precepts mentioned above --- MR], the 42 infractions 四十二犯事 from the T1581, the 28 misdemeanours of lapses of mind(?) 二十八失意罪 from T1488, the 47 precepts 四十七戒 from T1487, the “Sūtra of Humane Kings”, and the Lü fa 律法. Part of the contents are also unique to T1484. A table of relations between those elements is given on 271-273.

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252-284

Ono asserts that the “Brahma Net Sutra” 梵網經 T1484 was composed in China, based upon source texts including the *Buddhavatamsaka, Pusa nei jie jing 菩薩内戒經 T1487, the Mahaparinirvana-mahasutra, the Bodhisatvabhumi, the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488, the “Sutra of Human Kings”, and Kumarajiva’s *Madhyama-sastra 中論 T1564. Ono discusses four main sets of evidence indicating further that T1484 is a Chinese composition rather than a translation: a. Internal inconsistencies, including the title of the text as a whole, and some chapter titles; the aforementioned insubstantiable claims that the text is part of a larger text; and vocabulary or terminology. b. Peculiar vocabulary 用語奇異 (not seen in any other scriptures), e.g. 爾眞焰俗; chapter titles possibly influenced by Daoism (玄道定品, 日月道品,無相天王品); a peculiar list of the twelvefold sutras 十二部經 (called 十二法品名味句):重誦, 記別, 直語, 偈, 不請説, 律戒, 譬喩, 佛界, 昔事, 方正, 未曾有, and 談説) which differs from the usual order, and includes many items not seen elsewhere; 十種力生品 for the ten powers of a Buddha; 十八聖人智品 for the eighteen avenikadharmas; names of the ten bodhisatva stages or “grounds” 十地; and 光光 instead of 光. c. Chinese concepts 中國思想: 1. 三智, 2. 親靈の追善供養3. 大乗布薩, 4. 立法排拒, 5. 三千學士, 6. 讃戒偈. d. The fact that the external evidence about the text is unreliable 史料不信, in which context Ono attempts to explain the process by which the text came to be ascribed to Kumarajiva (279-280), and speculates about the date and circumstances of composition of the postface and the two prefaces (274-283). On the basis of several pieces of external evidence, Ono infers that T1484 was composed sometime between 431 CE and the late fifth century (281-283). The text itself claims that it is the end part of a larger text 大本, the structure of which, as here presented, resembles that of the *Buddhavatamsaka. However, Ono maintains that this larger text probably never existed (252-254). Juan 1 expounds the path of the bodhisatva, and juan 2 the theory of precepts 戒. Ono points out that such a structure was traditionally used in other sutras (e.g., the Pusa benye jing 菩薩本業經 T281 by Zhi Qian, itself a kind of “proto-*Buddhavatamsaka” or early text in the larger *Buddhavatamsaka genre), especially in those composed in China (e.g., the section of T1487 on the bodhisatva path, and the Rulai du zheng zi shi sanmei jing 如來獨證自誓三昧經 T623). According to Ono, the content of the ten precepts against grave infractions 十重戒 in T1484 is a mixture of the eight precepts against grave infractions for renunciants 出家八重戒 from the Bodhisatvabhumi 菩薩善戒經 (T1582) and the six precepts against grave infractions 在家六重戒 from the Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488 (善生経). He adds that the exposition of this same rubric is probably related to the four precepts against grave infractions 四重戒 from the Bodhisatvabhumi 菩薩地持經 (T1581), the “four essential precepts against grave infractions”(?) 性重戒 from the Mahaparinirvana-mahasutra [in portions of the text unique to *Dharmaksema’s T374 and versions of the text derived therefrom --- MR], and the four precepts against grave infractions 四重禁 of the so-called Lu fa 律法 (a table of these ten items and corresponding elements in other materials is presented on 267). However, the ten precepts against grave infractions as presented in T1484 are richer in detail than in those other materials. The forty-eight precepts against minor infractions 四十八輕戒 is called qinggouzui 輕垢罪 in T1484. According to Ono, this term is used only in T1484 and the so-called Pusa yaoyi jing 菩薩要義 經 [perhaps referring to the [Pusa] Youposai wi jie weiyi jing [菩薩]優婆塞五戒威儀經 T1503? which is the only text besides shown by a CBETA search to contain 輕垢罪 --- MR]. These forty-eight precepts against minor infractions are based on the precepts to forestall derision from the world(?) 息世譏嫌戒 of the Mahaparinirvana-mahasutra [once again unique sections of *Dharmaksema’s T374 and derived texts, in the same passage as the four precepts mentioned above --- MR], the 42 infractions 四十二犯事 from the T1581, the 28 misdemeanours of lapses of mind(?) 二十八失意罪 from T1488, the 47 precepts 四十七戒 from T1487, the “Sutra of Humane Kings”, and the Lu fa 律法. Part of the contents are also unique to T1484. A table of relations between those elements is given on 271-273. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1484; 梵網經

Ono states that the Mahāsaṃnipāta 大集經 T397 has a complex history, as further texts were added to the collection and different versions of the overall collection were compiled after *Dharmakṣema’s initial translation. Versions of the text differ between different editions of the canon. He compares the structure of six different versions (a table is presented on 296-297).

He divides the six versions into three groups based on their structures, explaining the characteristics of each group (297-298). He also discusses “six faults 六失” of the structure of the Mahāsaṃnipāta 大集經, based on Zhisheng’s view, as presented in the “colophon to the Mahāsaṃnipāta [compiled] after critically scrutinising [the text]” 大集經校正後序 (originally found in K but missing from SYM, today carried at the end of the first fascile of the text in T, T397 [XIII] 8b3-c28).

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295-298

Ono states that the Mahasamnipata 大集經 T397 has a complex history, as further texts were added to the collection and different versions of the overall collection were compiled after *Dharmaksema’s initial translation. Versions of the text differ between different editions of the canon. He compares the structure of six different versions (a table is presented on 296-297). He divides the six versions into three groups based on their structures, explaining the characteristics of each group (297-298). He also discusses “six faults 六失” of the structure of the Mahasamnipata 大集經, based on Zhisheng’s view, as presented in the “colophon to the Mahasamnipata [compiled] after critically scrutinising [the text]” 大集經校正後序 (originally found in K but missing from SYM, today carried at the end of the first fascile of the text in T, T397 [XIII] 8b3-c28). T0397; 大方等大集經

Ōno discusses a “colophon to the Mahāsaṃnipāta [compiled] after critically scrutinising [the text]” 大集經校正後序 (originally found in K but missing from SYM, today carried at the end of the first fascile of the text in T, T397 [XIII] 8b3-c28), which criticises “six faults 六失” in the structure of the Mahāsaṃnipāta 大集經, based on the views of Zhisheng. The fifth and sixth of these supposed faults are that the Jiaoji jing校計經 = T397(17) was added in China, and the ascription of T397(17) to Narendrayaśas 那連提耶舍. Ōno states that 大集經校正後序 is correct in rejecting this ascription.

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Ono discusses a “colophon to the Mahasamnipata [compiled] after critically scrutinising [the text]” 大集經校正後序 (originally found in K but missing from SYM, today carried at the end of the first fascile of the text in T, T397 [XIII] 8b3-c28), which criticises “six faults 六失” in the structure of the Mahasamnipata 大集經, based on the views of Zhisheng. The fifth and sixth of these supposed faults are that the Jiaoji jing校計經 = T397(17) was added in China, and the ascription of T397(17) to Narendrayasas 那連提耶舍. Ono states that 大集經校正後序 is correct in rejecting this ascription. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T397(17); Jiaoji jing 校計經; Mingdu wushi jiaoji jing 明度五十校計經; 十方菩薩品; 十方菩薩品, 五十校計經

The core part of the Dasheng liqu liu boluomiduo jing 大乗理趣六波羅蜜多經 T261 is based on the section of the Akṣayamati-nirdeśa 無盡意經 (T397(12)?) related to the six perfections. Ōno presents a list on page 312 showing which part of T261 is taken from which part of the Akṣayamati. Ōno also states that the “Sūtra on the Six Perfections” 六波羅蜜經 repeatedly referred to in the Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa 大智度論 T1509 might have been an early version 古形 of T261.

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The core part of the Dasheng liqu liu boluomiduo jing 大乗理趣六波羅蜜多經 T261 is based on the section of the Aksayamati-nirdesa 無盡意經 (T397(12)?) related to the six perfections. Ono presents a list on page 312 showing which part of T261 is taken from which part of the Aksayamati. Ono also states that the “Sutra on the Six Perfections” 六波羅蜜經 repeatedly referred to in the Mahaprajnaparamitopadesa 大智度論 T1509 might have been an early version 古形 of T261. T0261; 大乘理趣六波羅蜜多經

Ōno discusses a “colophon to the Mahāsaṃnipāta [compiled] after critically scrutinising [the text]” 大集經校正後序 (originally found in K but missing from SYM, today carried at the end of the first fascile of the text in T, T397 [XIII] 8b3-c28), which criticises “six faults 六失” in the structure of the Mahāsaṃnipāta 大集經, based on the views of Zhisheng. The first of these supposed faults is that the text presents the Yingluo pin 瓔珞品 T397(1) as a separate text from the Tuoluoni zizaiwang pusa pin 陀羅尼自在王菩薩品 T397(2) [both texts are listed with the title Tathāgatamahākarunā-nirdeśa in HBGR --- MR]. However, Ōno argues that the form in which the “two” texts are separated is older, and a version of the Mahāsaṃnipāta without the separate Yinluo pin, which Zhisheng saw, was a later variation.

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Ono discusses a “colophon to the Mahasamnipata [compiled] after critically scrutinising [the text]” 大集經校正後序 (originally found in K but missing from SYM, today carried at the end of the first fascile of the text in T, T397 [XIII] 8b3-c28), which criticises “six faults 六失” in the structure of the Mahasamnipata 大集經, based on the views of Zhisheng. The first of these supposed faults is that the text presents the Yingluo pin 瓔珞品 T397(1) as a separate text from the Tuoluoni zizaiwang pusa pin 陀羅尼自在王菩薩品 T397(2) [both texts are listed with the title Tathagatamahakaruna-nirdesa in HBGR --- MR]. However, Ono argues that the form in which the “two” texts are separated is older, and a version of the Mahasamnipata without the separate Yinluo pin, which Zhisheng saw, was a later variation. T397(1); Yingluo pin 瓔珞品, Tathagatamahakaruna-nirdesa T397(2); Tuoluoni zizaiwang pusa pin 陀羅尼自在王菩薩品, Tathagatamahakaruna-nirdesa

Ōno deals with issues surrounding the Sūryagarbha 日密分 T397(13) in two places of his Daijō kai kyō no kenkyū 大乗戒経の研究.

Ōno states that the Sūryagarbha 日密分 T397(13) was added to Mahāsaṃnipāta after the time of Sengyou. Ōno agrees that, as pointed out by Matsumoto Bunzaburō and others, T397(13) is not the work of *Dharmakṣema. However, no alternate ascription is given by the catalogues. Different parts are missing in different editions, which probably indicates that the translation is incomplete (292-293).

Ōno argues that T397(13) is the first text deliberately composed to form part of the Mahāsaṃnipāta; earlier parts of the collection (T397(1-12)) were originally independent texts. Following T397(13), quite a few new texts were produced to be parts of the Mahāsaṃnipāta. Ōno calls the addition of those texts the second phase of development 第二系. Those new texts take Mt *Kharādīya(?) 佉羅坻山 as the location of the sermon 説處. This location appears for the first time in T397(13). Ōno suggests that this reference to Mt *Kharādīya may indicate where those second-phase texts were produced, as it is located in Khotan 于闐 (citing Hatani Ryōtai羽溪 了諦. “イラン語族民衆と大乗仏教.” 日本宗教学会第3回大会紀要(*91号)(1935): 296-309) (293-294).

According to Ōno, the Sūryagarbha 日密分 T397(13) is included in the Mahasaṃnipāta as section 13 in the Korean edition of the canon, but is located at the very end of the Mahāsaṃnipāta in SYM. Ōno points out that the T397(13) is actually the same text as the Sūryagarbha 日藏分 T397(14), but the latter is substantially extended. T397(13) is incomplete, with the last part missing. It ends at the middle of Ch. 5 第五不思議大通品 in K, and at the middle of Ch. 6 第六救龍品 in the Three Editions. Ōno states that T397(13) did not exist in the Mahāsaṃnipāta as translated by *Dharmakṣema, and infers that it is an anonymous scripture translated in or after the Liang period , which was added to the Mahāsaṃnipāta later (313-314).

Edit

293-294, 313-314

Ono deals with issues surrounding the Suryagarbha 日密分 T397(13) in two places of his Daijo kai kyo no kenkyu 大乗戒経の研究. Ono states that the Suryagarbha 日密分 T397(13) was added to Mahasamnipata after the time of Sengyou. Ono agrees that, as pointed out by Matsumoto Bunzaburo and others, T397(13) is not the work of *Dharmaksema. However, no alternate ascription is given by the catalogues. Different parts are missing in different editions, which probably indicates that the translation is incomplete (292-293). Ono argues that T397(13) is the first text deliberately composed to form part of the Mahasamnipata; earlier parts of the collection (T397(1-12)) were originally independent texts. Following T397(13), quite a few new texts were produced to be parts of the Mahasamnipata. Ono calls the addition of those texts the second phase of development 第二系. Those new texts take Mt *Kharadiya(?) 佉羅坻山 as the location of the sermon 説處. This location appears for the first time in T397(13). Ono suggests that this reference to Mt *Kharadiya may indicate where those second-phase texts were produced, as it is located in Khotan 于闐 (citing Hatani Ryotai羽溪 了諦. “イラン語族民衆と大乗仏教.” 日本宗教学会第3回大会紀要(*91号)(1935): 296-309) (293-294). According to Ono, the Suryagarbha 日密分 T397(13) is included in the Mahasamnipata as section 13 in the Korean edition of the canon, but is located at the very end of the Mahasamnipata in SYM. Ono points out that the T397(13) is actually the same text as the Suryagarbha 日藏分 T397(14), but the latter is substantially extended. T397(13) is incomplete, with the last part missing. It ends at the middle of Ch. 5 第五不思議大通品 in K, and at the middle of Ch. 6 第六救龍品 in the Three Editions. Ono states that T397(13) did not exist in the Mahasamnipata as translated by *Dharmaksema, and infers that it is an anonymous scripture translated in or after the Liang period , which was added to the Mahasamnipata later (313-314). Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T397(13); 日密分, Suryagarbha

The Upāyakauśulyajñānottarabodhisatva-paripṛcchā 大乗方便經 T310(38 ) is recorded in the Shixing catalogue 始興錄 (as reported in LDSBJ) and other catalogues including Fajing as translated by *Nandin 竺難提 in Yuanxi 元熙 2 of the E. Jin (420 CE). Ōno points out that this title is listed as an anonymous scripture in CSZJJ, and that it is difficult to determine which view is correct. He tentatively accept the ascription to *Nandin (335).

Edit

335

The Upayakausulyajnanottarabodhisatva-pariprccha 大乗方便經 T310(38 ) is recorded in the Shixing catalogue 始興錄 (as reported in LDSBJ) and other catalogues including Fajing as translated by *Nandin 竺難提 in Yuanxi 元熙 2 of the E. Jin (420 CE). Ono points out that this title is listed as an anonymous scripture in CSZJJ, and that it is difficult to determine which view is correct. He tentatively accept the ascription to *Nandin (335). Nandi, 難提 T310(38); Dasheng fangbian hui 大乘方便會, Upayakausulyajnanottarabodhisatva-pariprccha

Ōno maintains that the account of the translation process of the Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra 大般涅槃經 (T374) (北本) in the biography of *Dharmakṣema in GSZ is not quite right (236). It records that the first ten juan were translated in 414 CE; *Dharmakṣema went to Khotan 于闐 later and obtained a middle portion; after coming back, he sent a person/persons 使 to obtain the last part; and the translation work was finished on October 23, 421 CE. CSZJJ also records the same in the section of *Dharmakṣema’s works.

Ōno thinks more reliable the preface 經序 by Hexi Daolang 河西道朗 ( T2145 (LV) 59c15-25, quoted on page 236). According to this account, *Dharmakṣema first came to Dunhuang 燉煌 with a variety of scriptures, and then moved to the Northern Liang 北涼, where he translated the first ten juan of T374 upon the request of Juqu Mengxun 蒙遜, finishing on October 23, 421 CE. This preface is included in the Ming edition of the canon and in CSZJJ. In the latter, some lines are added to the end of the preface. Ōno claims that this addition was made after the entire text was translated in order to make the preface by 道朗 look like as if it was written for the later, longer version of the text. GSZ was misled by this addition and recorded incorrectly that the translation of the entire text (not only the first ten juan) was completed in 421 CE (236-237).

Another account of the translation work of T374 is the “Da niepan jing ji” 大涅槃經記 in CSZJJ [but details of this record again contradict other sources]. It records the following: the first ten juan of T374, comprising five chapters 五品, was brought to Gaochang 高昌 by Zhimeng 智猛, which Juqu Mengxun 蒙遜 obtained and had *Dharmakṣema translate. Further chapters existed in Dunhuang 燉煌, and were translated later. However, the true end portion of the text still had to be sent from “Hu dao” 胡道, and ultimately remained untranslated, due to the political instability of the time. Ōno points out about this record that Zhimeng could not in fact have brought the first ten juan because, according to his biography (in CSZJJ), he departed India 天竺 to come back to China in 424 CE, and hence should still have been in India when the first ten juan were translated. Ōno supposes that the “Da niepan jing ji” confused the acquisition of the text by Zhimeng in Pātaliputra, more than a decade after Faxian, with the acquisition of the first ten juan by Faxian himself. Ōno states that it is certain that the source text for the remaining thirty juan incorporated into Dharmakṣema’s T374 came from Khotan, and the translation of the first ten juan was completed in 424 CE. Ōno also states that T374 circulated 流布 in Jiangnan 江南 relatively late, as evidence by traditions about Daosheng’s 道生 interpretations of the texts and its doctrines (237).

Edit

236-237

Ono maintains that the account of the translation process of the Mahaparinirvana-mahasutra 大般涅槃經 (T374) (北本) in the biography of *Dharmaksema in GSZ is not quite right (236). It records that the first ten juan were translated in 414 CE; *Dharmaksema went to Khotan 于闐 later and obtained a middle portion; after coming back, he sent a person/persons 使 to obtain the last part; and the translation work was finished on October 23, 421 CE. CSZJJ also records the same in the section of *Dharmaksema’s works. Ono thinks more reliable the preface 經序 by Hexi Daolang 河西道朗 ( T2145 (LV) 59c15-25, quoted on page 236). According to this account, *Dharmaksema first came to Dunhuang 燉煌 with a variety of scriptures, and then moved to the Northern Liang 北涼, where he translated the first ten juan of T374 upon the request of Juqu Mengxun 蒙遜, finishing on October 23, 421 CE. This preface is included in the Ming edition of the canon and in CSZJJ. In the latter, some lines are added to the end of the preface. Ono claims that this addition was made after the entire text was translated in order to make the preface by 道朗 look like as if it was written for the later, longer version of the text. GSZ was misled by this addition and recorded incorrectly that the translation of the entire text (not only the first ten juan) was completed in 421 CE (236-237). Another account of the translation work of T374 is the “Da niepan jing ji” 大涅槃經記 in CSZJJ [but details of this record again contradict other sources]. It records the following: the first ten juan of T374, comprising five chapters 五品, was brought to Gaochang 高昌 by Zhimeng 智猛, which Juqu Mengxun 蒙遜 obtained and had *Dharmaksema translate. Further chapters existed in Dunhuang 燉煌, and were translated later. However, the true end portion of the text still had to be sent from “Hu dao” 胡道, and ultimately remained untranslated, due to the political instability of the time. Ono points out about this record that Zhimeng could not in fact have brought the first ten juan because, according to his biography (in CSZJJ), he departed India 天竺 to come back to China in 424 CE, and hence should still have been in India when the first ten juan were translated. Ono supposes that the “Da niepan jing ji” confused the acquisition of the text by Zhimeng in Pataliputra, more than a decade after Faxian, with the acquisition of the first ten juan by Faxian himself. Ono states that it is certain that the source text for the remaining thirty juan incorporated into Dharmaksema’s T374 came from Khotan, and the translation of the first ten juan was completed in 424 CE. Ono also states that T374 circulated 流布 in Jiangnan 江南 relatively late, as evidence by traditions about Daosheng’s 道生 interpretations of the texts and its doctrines (237). T0374; 大般涅槃經

According to Ōno, in traditional catalogues, three ascriptions are given to the Fa lü sanmei jing 法律三昧經 T631 (ascribed to Zhi Qian 支謙 in the Taishō):

Anonymous: Dao’an, Fajing, Yancong, Jingtai, DTNDL, and others;

An Shigao: the Fashang catalogue 法上錄 (as cited in DZKZM) (Ōno finds this ascription implausible); and

Zhi Qian: first given by LDSBJ, followed by DZKZM, KYL, the Zhenyuan catalogue 貞元錄, and the Taishō 現藏.

Ōno claims that the vocabulary of T631 differs from that of Zhi Qian. Ōno regards the oldest ascription as best, i.e. he regards the text as anonymous. He adds that judging from style and terminology, the date of translation should be no later than W. Jin.

Ōno also points out earlier in his book that the view that there existed multiple translations should naturally be rejected (DZKZM lists both the anonymous version and that ascribed to An Shigao; and KYL accepts both the missing version to An Shigao and the extant one ascribed to Zhi Qian).

Edit

356, 358

According to Ono, in traditional catalogues, three ascriptions are given to the Fa lu sanmei jing 法律三昧經 T631 (ascribed to Zhi Qian 支謙 in the Taisho): Anonymous: Dao’an, Fajing, Yancong, Jingtai, DTNDL, and others; An Shigao: the Fashang catalogue 法上錄 (as cited in DZKZM) (Ono finds this ascription implausible); and Zhi Qian: first given by LDSBJ, followed by DZKZM, KYL, the Zhenyuan catalogue 貞元錄, and the Taisho 現藏. Ono claims that the vocabulary of T631 differs from that of Zhi Qian. Ono regards the oldest ascription as best, i.e. he regards the text as anonymous. He adds that judging from style and terminology, the date of translation should be no later than W. Jin. Ono also points out earlier in his book that the view that there existed multiple translations should naturally be rejected (DZKZM lists both the anonymous version and that ascribed to An Shigao; and KYL accepts both the missing version to An Shigao and the extant one ascribed to Zhi Qian). Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0631; 佛說法律三昧經

LDSBJ first lists a Wenshushili jing lü jing 文殊師利淨律經 as one of the scriptures ascribed to Nie Daozhen 聶道眞, citing the Bie lu 別錄 with a note reading, “第二出。與法護譯小異.” DZKZM includes it in an alternate translation group (consisting of the Wenshushili jing lü jing, here again ascribed to Nie Daozhen, the extant Wenshushili jing lü jing T460 ascribed to Dharmarakṣa, the Jitiaoyin suowen jing 寂調音所問經, and the Qingjing pini fangguang jing 清淨毘尼方廣經) and states that three of them are extant, and one missing 前後四譯三存一缺. However, Ōno points out that as Nie Daozhen worked for Dharmarakṣa as amanuensis 筆受 in the translation of T460, the Wenshushili jing lü jing ascribed to him surely never existed, and should be excised. Ōno adds that a report of a non-extant scripture like this indicates just how unreliable the Bie lu is.

Edit

32

LDSBJ first lists a Wenshushili jing lu jing 文殊師利淨律經 as one of the scriptures ascribed to Nie Daozhen 聶道眞, citing the Bie lu 別錄 with a note reading, “第二出。與法護譯小異.” DZKZM includes it in an alternate translation group (consisting of the Wenshushili jing lu jing, here again ascribed to Nie Daozhen, the extant Wenshushili jing lu jing T460 ascribed to Dharmaraksa, the Jitiaoyin suowen jing 寂調音所問經, and the Qingjing pini fangguang jing 清淨毘尼方廣經) and states that three of them are extant, and one missing 前後四譯三存一缺. However, Ono points out that as Nie Daozhen worked for Dharmaraksa as amanuensis 筆受 in the translation of T460, the Wenshushili jing lu jing ascribed to him surely never existed, and should be excised. Ono adds that a report of a non-extant scripture like this indicates just how unreliable the Bie lu is. Dharmaraksa 竺法護, 曇摩羅察 T0460; 佛說文殊師利淨律經

Ōno points out that DZKZM lists two texts with the title Pusa jie ben 菩薩戒本, both ascribed to *Dharmakṣema. One is the extant version (T1500), and the other is based on LDSBJ. Ōno claims that this is a confusion probably caused by the existence of a Fan wang jie ben 梵網戒本 ascribed to Kumārajīva 什譯 and the Dichi jie ben 地持戒本 (Bodhisatvabhūmi Precepts Sūtra) T1500, which are recorded as alternate translations in Fajing and other catalogues, but that the second one 第二出 should be excised.

Edit

33

Ono points out that DZKZM lists two texts with the title Pusa jie ben 菩薩戒本, both ascribed to *Dharmaksema. One is the extant version (T1500), and the other is based on LDSBJ. Ono claims that this is a confusion probably caused by the existence of a Fan wang jie ben 梵網戒本 ascribed to Kumarajiva 什譯 and the Dichi jie ben 地持戒本 (Bodhisatvabhumi Precepts Sutra) T1500, which are recorded as alternate translations in Fajing and other catalogues, but that the second one 第二出 should be excised. T1500; 菩薩戒本

According to Ōno, there are three Shelifu hui guo jing 舎利弗悔過經 (*Triskandhaka; Śāriputra’s Sūtra on the Repentance of his Sins) listed in traditional catalogues: 1) the extant one (T1492), which Ōno regards as the work of Dharmarakṣa, since CSZJJ classifies it as such, and the ascription is also supported by phraseology and style; 2) a version ascribed to An Shigao, first appearing in LDSBJ, followed by DTNDL and others; and 3) a version ascribed to Kumārajīva, first listed in DZKZM citing Fashang 法上錄. Ōno states that KYL confused (1) T1492 with (2) and ascribed the former to An Shigao (the ascription still borne by T1492), while classifying (2) and (3) as missing 缺本. The succeeding catalogues followed KYL. Ōno points out that, however, the ascription to An Shigao was first given by LDSBJ on dubious grounds, and the ascription to Kumārajīva given by Fashang is also dubious. Meanwhile, neither (2) nor (3) is listed at all in Fajing or DTNDL. Ōno concludes that versions (2) and (3) did not exist, being just mistaken records concerning T1492 itself.

Edit

33-34

According to Ono, there are three Shelifu hui guo jing 舎利弗悔過經 (*Triskandhaka; Sariputra’s Sutra on the Repentance of his Sins) listed in traditional catalogues: 1) the extant one (T1492), which Ono regards as the work of Dharmaraksa, since CSZJJ classifies it as such, and the ascription is also supported by phraseology and style; 2) a version ascribed to An Shigao, first appearing in LDSBJ, followed by DTNDL and others; and 3) a version ascribed to Kumarajiva, first listed in DZKZM citing Fashang 法上錄. Ono states that KYL confused (1) T1492 with (2) and ascribed the former to An Shigao (the ascription still borne by T1492), while classifying (2) and (3) as missing 缺本. The succeeding catalogues followed KYL. Ono points out that, however, the ascription to An Shigao was first given by LDSBJ on dubious grounds, and the ascription to Kumarajiva given by Fashang is also dubious. Meanwhile, neither (2) nor (3) is listed at all in Fajing or DTNDL. Ono concludes that versions (2) and (3) did not exist, being just mistaken records concerning T1492 itself. Dharmaraksa 竺法護, 曇摩羅察 T1492; 佛說舍利弗悔過經

According to Ōno, the Pusa youposai jie tan jing 菩薩優婆塞戒壇文 was listed in CSZJJ as the work of *Dharmakṣema [菩薩戒優婆[+塞 SYM]戒壇文一卷, T2145 [LV] 11b23; cf. Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488, still ascribed to Dharmakṣema in T], but classified as missing since. Ōno points claims out that all or part of the text is preserved in some lines in the middle of the Youposai wu jie weiyi jing 優婆塞五戒威儀經 (T1503 ascribed to *Guṇavarman 求那跋摩), viz., from 欲為菩薩優婆塞 to 如前廣說 (T1503 [XXIV] 1119c11-20). Contents relating to receiving three groups of pure precepts 三衆淨戒 by one’s own vow are the same as those presented in the chapter on precepts 戒品 of the Bodhisatvabhūmi 菩薩地持經 (T1581, ascribed to *Dharmakṣema), the only difference being the name, 律儀戒 in T1581 and 優婆塞五威儀 in the Pusa youposai jie tan jing. Ōno’s basis for this claim is the fact that CSZJJ records that the Pusa youposai jie tan wen was “issued” in the twelfth month Xuanshi 10 玄始十年十二月出, three years after *Dharmakṣema translated T1581. Accordingly, the words at the end of the extant version, 其餘諸事應如前廣說, should be regarded as a comment by *Dharmakṣema’ referring to the precepts chapter 戒品 of T1581 (429-430).

Ōno also states in an earlier section of the same book that it is doubtful if those lines preserve their original form, since they contain redundant wording 重複語 and orthographic errors 誤字.

Edit

22, 429-430

According to Ono, the Pusa youposai jie tan jing 菩薩優婆塞戒壇文 was listed in CSZJJ as the work of *Dharmaksema [菩薩戒優婆[+塞 SYM]戒壇文一卷, T2145 [LV] 11b23; cf. Youposai jie jing 優婆塞戒經 T1488, still ascribed to Dharmaksema in T], but classified as missing since. Ono points claims out that all or part of the text is preserved in some lines in the middle of the Youposai wu jie weiyi jing 優婆塞五戒威儀經 (T1503 ascribed to *Gunavarman 求那跋摩), viz., from 欲為菩薩優婆塞 to 如前廣說 (T1503 [XXIV] 1119c11-20). Contents relating to receiving three groups of pure precepts 三衆淨戒 by one’s own vow are the same as those presented in the chapter on precepts 戒品 of the Bodhisatvabhumi 菩薩地持經 (T1581, ascribed to *Dharmaksema), the only difference being the name, 律儀戒 in T1581 and 優婆塞五威儀 in the Pusa youposai jie tan jing. Ono’s basis for this claim is the fact that CSZJJ records that the Pusa youposai jie tan wen was “issued” in the twelfth month Xuanshi 10 玄始十年十二月出, three years after *Dharmaksema translated T1581. Accordingly, the words at the end of the extant version, 其餘諸事應如前廣說, should be regarded as a comment by *Dharmaksema’ referring to the precepts chapter 戒品 of T1581 (429-430). Ono also states in an earlier section of the same book that it is doubtful if those lines preserve their original form, since they contain redundant wording 重複語 and orthographic errors 誤字. Pusa youposai jie tan jing 菩薩優婆塞戒壇文

The Pusa jie yaoyi jing 菩薩戒要義經 in one juan was first listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures of CSZJJ, but then classified as missing 缺本 from Fajing onward. However, Ōno points out that the text actually survived as the first part of the Youpusai wu jie weiyi jing 優婆塞五戒威儀經 T1503. He adds that he discusses, in another section of this same book on lost Mahāyāna Vinaya texts 大乘律, the reason why this text was “buried” in such a manner, and the fact that it is in fact a compilation produced in China.

Ōno states that, in keeping with the fact that catalogues record the Pusa jie yaoyi jing as an excerpt from the Pusa jie jing, the main part of the Pusa jie yaoyi jing is indeed based upon the Pusa jie jng 菩薩戒經/Bodhisatvabhūmi 菩薩地持經 T1581. However, Ōno adds, the Pusa jie yaoyi jing is an epitome of T1581, not a verbatim excerpt from it, as the word yaoyi 要義 in the title suggests. As such, the Pusa jie yaoyi jing contains terms that do not appear in T1581. For example, zhonggouzui 重垢罪 and qinggouzui 輕垢罪 in the Pusa jie yaoyi jing correspond to wuranqi 染汚起 and feiwuranqi 非染汚起 in T1581, indicating that the text was reworked in China 中國改作. The term qinggouzui 輕垢罪 as it appears in the “Brahma Net sūtra” 梵網經 is likely to be derived from the Pusa jie yaoyi jing.

Ōno also points out that, in comparison with the “Bodhisatvabhūmi prātimokṣa(?)” 地持戒本 T1500, the Pusa jie yaoyi jing is written in a distinctly more Chinese manner, although the two texts share roughly the same content. Ōno adds that the Pusa jie yaoyi jing was developed in China independently of T1500, as the verse at the beginning of the Pusa jie yaoyi jing is totally different from that of T1500, and the wu shi gongde 五事功德 at the end of the text is not found in T1500.

As mentioned above, Ōno discusses issues surrounding the Pusa jie yaoyi jing in another section of this same book on lost Mahāyāna Vinaya texts 大乘律. There, he argues that LDSBJ, followed by DTNDL and DZKZM, ascribes the Pusa jie yaoyi jing incorrectly to Nie Daozhen 聶道眞. Ōno states that the Pusa jie yaoyi jing 菩薩戒要義經 is a precis of the “ten gates” section from the chapter on precepts in the Bodhisatvabhūmi 地持經戒品九門, which makes sense of the title Pusa jie yaoyi jing. As the entry on this text in CSZJJ indicates, the Pusa jie yaoyi jing circulated as an independent scripture in the Liang period, but later was put together with other precepts scriptures. The later parts of the Youpusai wu jie weiyi jing are quite different from the Pusa jie yaoyi jing, consisting of rules on such matters as receiving donations of hammocks and walking-staves 受縄床法, 受錫杖法, etc. Ōno maintains that those parts were also compiled in China.

Edit

26, 417-418

The Pusa jie yaoyi jing 菩薩戒要義經 in one juan was first listed in the section of extant anonymous scriptures of CSZJJ, but then classified as missing 缺本 from Fajing onward. However, Ono points out that the text actually survived as the first part of the Youpusai wu jie weiyi jing 優婆塞五戒威儀經 T1503. He adds that he discusses, in another section of this same book on lost Mahayana Vinaya texts 大乘律, the reason why this text was “buried” in such a manner, and the fact that it is in fact a compilation produced in China. Ono states that, in keeping with the fact that catalogues record the Pusa jie yaoyi jing as an excerpt from the Pusa jie jing, the main part of the Pusa jie yaoyi jing is indeed based upon the Pusa jie jng 菩薩戒經/Bodhisatvabhumi 菩薩地持經 T1581. However, Ono adds, the Pusa jie yaoyi jing is an epitome of T1581, not a verbatim excerpt from it, as the word yaoyi 要義 in the title suggests. As such, the Pusa jie yaoyi jing contains terms that do not appear in T1581. For example, zhonggouzui 重垢罪 and qinggouzui 輕垢罪 in the Pusa jie yaoyi jing correspond to wuranqi 染汚起 and feiwuranqi 非染汚起 in T1581, indicating that the text was reworked in China 中國改作. The term qinggouzui 輕垢罪 as it appears in the “Brahma Net sutra” 梵網經 is likely to be derived from the Pusa jie yaoyi jing. Ono also points out that, in comparison with the “Bodhisatvabhumi pratimoksa(?)” 地持戒本 T1500, the Pusa jie yaoyi jing is written in a distinctly more Chinese manner, although the two texts share roughly the same content. Ono adds that the Pusa jie yaoyi jing was developed in China independently of T1500, as the verse at the beginning of the Pusa jie yaoyi jing is totally different from that of T1500, and the wu shi gongde 五事功德 at the end of the text is not found in T1500. As mentioned above, Ono discusses issues surrounding the Pusa jie yaoyi jing in another section of this same book on lost Mahayana Vinaya texts 大乘律. There, he argues that LDSBJ, followed by DTNDL and DZKZM, ascribes the Pusa jie yaoyi jing incorrectly to Nie Daozhen 聶道眞. Ono states that the Pusa jie yaoyi jing 菩薩戒要義經 is a precis of the “ten gates” section from the chapter on precepts in the Bodhisatvabhumi 地持經戒品九門, which makes sense of the title Pusa jie yaoyi jing. As the entry on this text in CSZJJ indicates, the Pusa jie yaoyi jing circulated as an independent scripture in the Liang period, but later was put together with other precepts scriptures. The later parts of the Youpusai wu jie weiyi jing are quite different from the Pusa jie yaoyi jing, consisting of rules on such matters as receiving donations of hammocks and walking-staves 受縄床法, 受錫杖法, etc. Ono maintains that those parts were also compiled in China. Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T1503; 優婆塞五戒威儀經

Ōno states that the Pusa shou jie fa 菩薩受戒法 listed in catalogues with various attributions is actually the 菩薩善戒經 T1582 (the Pusa shou jie fa is regarded in different catalogues as: an extant anonymous scripture in CSZJJ; a Mahāyāna Vinaya offshoot scripture in Fajing; a missing scripture in Yancong and Jingtai; and [incorrectly] as an anonymous scripture of the Latter Han period in LDSBJ, KYL and 貞元錄).

Ōno also points out that Pusa shan jie shou jie fa 菩薩善戒受戒經 is also an alternate name of T1502. This title was listed in Yancong as a missing scripture, but rediscovered by Jingtai. Jingtai uses different titles in recording his rediscovery of the text in his catalogue of [formerly?] missing scriptures (菩薩善戒受戒経一巻貞観九年入正目誌) and in his list of the titles admitted to the canon 入蔵錄 (菩薩善戒経一巻十五紙缺本訪得).

Meanwhile, Jingtai carried over from Yancong a distinction between the Pusa shou jie fa and Pusa shan jie shou jie fa, which resulted in the Pusa shou jie fa being regarded as missing even after the text was rediscovered. KYL and the Zhenyuan lu 貞元錄 give redundant double entries using all three titles (菩薩善戒経 as an extant scripture, 菩薩受戒法經 as a missing scripture, and 菩薩善戒受戒經 as an offshoot 別生 scripture).

Edit

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Ono states that the Pusa shou jie fa 菩薩受戒法 listed in catalogues with various attributions is actually the 菩薩善戒經 T1582 (the Pusa shou jie fa is regarded in different catalogues as: an extant anonymous scripture in CSZJJ; a Mahayana Vinaya offshoot scripture in Fajing; a missing scripture in Yancong and Jingtai; and [incorrectly] as an anonymous scripture of the Latter Han period in LDSBJ, KYL and 貞元錄). Ono also points out that Pusa shan jie shou jie fa 菩薩善戒受戒經 is also an alternate name of T1502. This title was listed in Yancong as a missing scripture, but rediscovered by Jingtai. Jingtai uses different titles in recording his rediscovery of the text in his catalogue of [formerly?] missing scriptures (菩薩善戒受戒経一巻貞観九年入正目誌) and in his list of the titles admitted to the canon 入蔵錄 (菩薩善戒経一巻十五紙缺本訪得). Meanwhile, Jingtai carried over from Yancong a distinction between the Pusa shou jie fa and Pusa shan jie shou jie fa, which resulted in the Pusa shou jie fa being regarded as missing even after the text was rediscovered. KYL and the Zhenyuan lu 貞元錄 give redundant double entries using all three titles (菩薩善戒経 as an extant scripture, 菩薩受戒法經 as a missing scripture, and 菩薩善戒受戒經 as an offshoot 別生 scripture). T1502; 菩薩受齋經 T1582; 菩薩善戒經

According to Ōno, there are three different Pusa shou zhai fa/jing 菩薩受齋法/經 in the catalogues, namely, a) Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經 T1502, b) Posa shou zhai fa 菩薩受齋法 in one juan, an excerpt 抄出, and c) another Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經 listed in Yancong and Jingtai. There also are three different Pusa zhai fa 菩薩齋法. Only T1502 is extant today. (b) was listed first in Fajing, but classified as missing in Yancong and Jingtai, and was excised in other catalogues. Ōno maintains that c) the Pusa shou zhai jing listed in Yancong and Jingtai is an mistaken entry 誤出.

According to Ōno, Yancong divides a group of texts listed by Fajing in his section on anonymous scriptures (三曼陀颰陀羅菩薩經一卷 菩薩波羅提木叉經一卷 颰陀悔過經一卷 菩薩受齋經一卷 淨業障經, T2146 (LV) 139b25-c2) into extant and missing texts as follows:

Extant (single texts 單本部): Sanmantuobatuoluo pusa jing 三曼陀跋陀羅菩薩經 (*Samantabhadrabodhisatva-sūtra), Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經, and Jing ye zhang jing 淨業障經;

Missing 缺本部: Pusa boluotimucha 菩薩波羅提木叉 (*Bodhisatvaprātimokṣa), Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經, and Batuo hui guo jing 颰陀悔過經.

Ōno claims that the extant Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經 in this classification of Yancong is T1502, and the missing Pusa shou zhai jing is probably just an error, and such text does not exist 無體. Ōno adds that the Song edition of Yancong’s catalogue is correct on this matter, as it does not have the missing Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經 in the above binary classification.

Edit

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According to Ono, there are three different Pusa shou zhai fa/jing 菩薩受齋法/經 in the catalogues, namely, a) Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經 T1502, b) Posa shou zhai fa 菩薩受齋法 in one juan, an excerpt 抄出, and c) another Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經 listed in Yancong and Jingtai. There also are three different Pusa zhai fa 菩薩齋法. Only T1502 is extant today. (b) was listed first in Fajing, but classified as missing in Yancong and Jingtai, and was excised in other catalogues. Ono maintains that c) the Pusa shou zhai jing listed in Yancong and Jingtai is an mistaken entry 誤出. According to Ono, Yancong divides a group of texts listed by Fajing in his section on anonymous scriptures (三曼陀颰陀羅菩薩經一卷 菩薩波羅提木叉經一卷 颰陀悔過經一卷 菩薩受齋經一卷 淨業障經, T2146 (LV) 139b25-c2) into extant and missing texts as follows: Extant (single texts 單本部): Sanmantuobatuoluo pusa jing 三曼陀跋陀羅菩薩經 (*Samantabhadrabodhisatva-sutra), Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經, and Jing ye zhang jing 淨業障經; Missing 缺本部: Pusa boluotimucha 菩薩波羅提木叉 (*Bodhisatvapratimoksa), Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經, and Batuo hui guo jing 颰陀悔過經. Ono claims that the extant Pusa zhai jing 菩薩齋經 in this classification of Yancong is T1502, and the missing Pusa shou zhai jing is probably just an error, and such text does not exist 無體. Ono adds that the Song edition of Yancong’s catalogue is correct on this matter, as it does not have the missing Pusa shou zhai jing 菩薩受齋經 in the above binary classification. T1502; 菩薩受齋經

Ōno points out that the Kāśyapaparivarta 遺日摩尼寶經 T350 ascribed to *Lokakṣema has never been treated as a precepts 戒 text in catalogues, although it clearly is one. This is a very old text, as one version was translated by *Lokakṣema as early as Guanghe 光和 2 of the Latter Han (179 CE). Ōno also states that the text is quoted in the *Daśabhūmika-vibhāṣā 十住毘婆沙論, which he follows tradition in ascribing to Nāgārjuna. However, Ōno holds that the ascription of T350 to *Lokaṣema is incorrect, as the vocabulary of the extant T350 is later than the E. Jin. Meanwhile, he holds that the alternate translation, called just “Ratnakūṭa” 寶積經 (or also called Monibao jing 摩尼寶經), was attributed correctly attributed to *Lokakṣema, but has been lost.

Sengyou included T350 in his newly compiled continuation of the catalogue of miscellaneous anonymous scriptures 新集續撰失譯雜經錄. Fajing first ascribed the text to *Lokakṣema. Ōno thinks that this mistake derived from confusion between the alternate title of *Lokakṣema’s so-called Ratnakūṭa 寶積經, viz., Monibao jing 摩尼寶經, and the title Weiri [ > Weiyue 遺曰] monibao jing 遺日摩尼寶經. Most catalogues followed Fajing. DZKZM 大周錄 ascribes the Monibao jing 摩尼寶經 to Dharmarakṣa, citing LDSBJ, but there is no such entry in LDSBJ. LDSBJ lists the Weiri [ > Weiyue] monibao jing 遺日摩尼寶經 as an anonymous scripture of the Latter Han period (in addition to the ascription of the same title to *Lokakṣema). KYL is mistaken in identifying the “older version of the scripture in which Weiri expounds prajñā” 古品遺日説般若經 with T350.

Ōno adds that the Kāśyapaparivarta (the 遺日摩尼寶經 T350) was developed later into a variety of texts, including the 大寶積經 in one juan, an anonymous scripture of Latter Qin 後秦(viz., 第四十三普明菩薩會 T310(43) in the Ratnakūṭa T310).

Edit

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Ono points out that the Kasyapaparivarta 遺日摩尼寶經 T350 ascribed to *Lokaksema has never been treated as a precepts 戒 text in catalogues, although it clearly is one. This is a very old text, as one version was translated by *Lokaksema as early as Guanghe 光和 2 of the Latter Han (179 CE). Ono also states that the text is quoted in the *Dasabhumika-vibhasa 十住毘婆沙論, which he follows tradition in ascribing to Nagarjuna. However, Ono holds that the ascription of T350 to *Lokasema is incorrect, as the vocabulary of the extant T350 is later than the E. Jin. Meanwhile, he holds that the alternate translation, called just “Ratnakuta” 寶積經 (or also called Monibao jing 摩尼寶經), was attributed correctly attributed to *Lokaksema, but has been lost. Sengyou included T350 in his newly compiled continuation of the catalogue of miscellaneous anonymous scriptures 新集續撰失譯雜經錄. Fajing first ascribed the text to *Lokaksema. Ono thinks that this mistake derived from confusion between the alternate title of *Lokaksema’s so-called Ratnakuta 寶積經, viz., Monibao jing 摩尼寶經, and the title Weiri [ > Weiyue 遺曰] monibao jing 遺日摩尼寶經. Most catalogues followed Fajing. DZKZM 大周錄 ascribes the Monibao jing 摩尼寶經 to Dharmaraksa, citing LDSBJ, but there is no such entry in LDSBJ. LDSBJ lists the Weiri [ > Weiyue] monibao jing 遺日摩尼寶經 as an anonymous scripture of the Latter Han period (in addition to the ascription of the same title to *Lokaksema). KYL is mistaken in identifying the “older version of the scripture in which Weiri expounds prajna” 古品遺日説般若經 with T350. Ono adds that the Kasyapaparivarta (the 遺日摩尼寶經 T350) was developed later into a variety of texts, including the 大寶積經 in one juan, an anonymous scripture of Latter Qin 後秦(viz., 第四十三普明菩薩會 T310(43) in the Ratnakuta T310). Anonymous (China), 失譯, 闕譯, 未詳撰者, 未詳作者, 不載譯人 T0350; 遺曰羅摩尼寶經; *[Buddhabhasita]Vaipulyaratnakuta-sutra; *[Buddhabhasita]Vaipulyamaniratna-sutra; *vevulla-Maniratna-dharmaparyaya; 寶積經; 佛說遺日摩尼寶經

Ōno agrees with Mochizuki’s view that the Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經 T360 is the work of Baoyun 寶雲 (presented in Jōdokyō no kigen oyobi hattatsu 浄土教の起源及發達, Part 1, Chapter 6). T360 is ascribed to Kang Sengkai 康僧鎧 in the Taishō 現藏, but this ascription is incorrect. The ascription first appears in KYL [Note: Naitō 1970 traces the ascription back to Fajing --- MR].

Sengyou called T360 the “new” Wuliang sūtra 新無量經, and listed it in his newly complied catalogue of alternate translations 新集異出經錄, with the ascription to Baoyun. “New” 新was used in the title because Sengyou thought the text was an alternate translation of the Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經 ascribed to Dharmarakṣa (although Sengyou wrongly assumed that Dharmarakṣa’s 無量壽經 was the extant T361). Yancong, Jingtai, Daoxuan 道宣 (DTNDL) and other catalogues ascribed T360 to Dharmarakṣa, while Mingquan 明佺 (DZKZM) ascribed it to Baoyun. The ascription to Dharmarakṣa was supported by many, since T360 was confused with the Wuliangshou jing that Dharmarakṣa was widely believed to have translated. The ascription to Kang Sengkai came from LDSBJ, which included the scripture in the works of Kang Sengkai, citing the Jin era miscellaneous catalogue 晋世雜錄 by Zhu Daozu 竺道祖 and the Baochang catalogue 寶唱錄.

Ōno claims that T360 should be reascribed to Baoyun, following CSZJJ, since a) [reports of] the Jin catalogue and Baochang catalogue [in LDSBJ] are not reliable; b) KYL does not offer any reason for the ascription; and c) most of the vocabulary of T360 belongs to the (Liu) Song period. Still, T360 might have some relation with the version of the text ascribed to Dharmarakṣa, because it includes phrases and terms such as 我聞如是 [sic] (according to Ōno, not used in the Song period), and 世自在王佛 and 世饒王佛 [sic]. CSZJJ records that Baoayun’s version of the text was translated in Yongchu 永初 2 (421 CE) at Daochang si in Yangzhou 楊州道場寺 (Sengyou reports that one catalogue stated that it was at Liuheshan si 六合山寺). It is also recorded that Buddhabhadra 佛駄跋陀 translated a “new Wuliangshou sūtra” 新無量壽經 at the same place in the same year, which should indicate that he cooperated in the translation of T360, as Baoyun was his disciple.

Edit

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Ono agrees with Mochizuki’s view that the Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經 T360 is the work of Baoyun 寶雲 (presented in Jodokyo no kigen oyobi hattatsu 浄土教の起源及發達, Part 1, Chapter 6). T360 is ascribed to Kang Sengkai 康僧鎧 in the Taisho 現藏, but this ascription is incorrect. The ascription first appears in KYL [Note: Naito 1970 traces the ascription back to Fajing --- MR]. Sengyou called T360 the “new” Wuliang sutra 新無量經, and listed it in his newly complied catalogue of alternate translations 新集異出經錄, with the ascription to Baoyun. “New” 新was used in the title because Sengyou thought the text was an alternate translation of the Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經 ascribed to Dharmaraksa (although Sengyou wrongly assumed that Dharmaraksa’s 無量壽經 was the extant T361). Yancong, Jingtai, Daoxuan 道宣 (DTNDL) and other catalogues ascribed T360 to Dharmaraksa, while Mingquan 明佺 (DZKZM) ascribed it to Baoyun. The ascription to Dharmaraksa was supported by many, since T360 was confused with the Wuliangshou jing that Dharmaraksa was widely believed to have translated. The ascription to Kang Sengkai came from LDSBJ, which included the scripture in the works of Kang Sengkai, citing the Jin era miscellaneous catalogue 晋世雜錄 by Zhu Daozu 竺道祖 and the Baochang catalogue 寶唱錄. Ono claims that T360 should be reascribed to Baoyun, following CSZJJ, since a) [reports of] the Jin catalogue and Baochang catalogue [in LDSBJ] are not reliable; b) KYL does not offer any reason for the ascription; and c) most of the vocabulary of T360 belongs to the (Liu) Song period. Still, T360 might have some relation with the version of the text ascribed to Dharmaraksa, because it includes phrases and terms such as 我聞如是 [sic] (according to Ono, not used in the Song period), and 世自在王佛 and 世饒王佛 [sic]. CSZJJ records that Baoayun’s version of the text was translated in Yongchu 永初 2 (421 CE) at Daochang si in Yangzhou 楊州道場寺 (Sengyou reports that one catalogue stated that it was at Liuheshan si 六合山寺). It is also recorded that Buddhabhadra 佛駄跋陀 translated a “new Wuliangshou sutra” 新無量壽經 at the same place in the same year, which should indicate that he cooperated in the translation of T360, as Baoyun was his disciple. Baoyun, 寶雲 T0360; 佛說無量壽經; Sukhavativyuha-sutra

Pointing to information conveyed in CSZJJ and KYL, Ōno inclines to the belief that the *Vinaya-viniścaya 決定毘尼經 T325 (= Upāli-paripr̥cchā) dates to the E. Jin, probably to the latter part of that period.

Ōno also points out that the , ascribed to “the Dunhuang Trepiṭaka” 燉煌三藏 [usually taken to mean Dharmarakṣa --- MR] was widely used in other scriptures. For example, it is reused as the Upāliparipṛcchā 優婆離會 T310(24) in the Ratnakūṭa of Bodhiruci. It also became the first "introduction" chapter 第一序品 of the Pusa shan jie jing 菩薩善戒經 in nine juan, T1582, one section 一節 of which is in turn quoted in the Dasheng xiuxing pusa xing men zhu jing yaoji 大乗修行菩薩行門諸經要集 T847 ascribed to Zhiyan 智嚴 (of the Tang).

The rite for contrition before the thirty-five Buddhas 三十五佛懺悔法 of T325 was valued particularly highly in China, as it was an important source in the development of the Guan Xukongzang pusa jing 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409. Furthermore, two versions of a text entitled Sanshiwu Fo ming jing 三十五佛名經 were produced on the basis of the 三十五佛懺悔法:

1) A scripture recorded in the section of anonymous extant scriptures of CSZJJ as the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing in one fascicle, 三十五佛名經一巻 出決定毘尼經, which is an excerpt scripture of the names of the Buddhas from Śākyamuni 釈迦牟尼佛 to Lianhuaguang shanzhu shaluoshu wang Fo 蓮華光善住沙羅樹王佛. Ōno points out that this text exists in the Hou zai za lu 後載雜錄 of the Korean and Song editions of the Guan Xukongzang pusa jing 觀虛空藏菩薩經 (Ōno states that he made this point already in the fourth section of Chapter One, Part One of the same book).

2) the extant Sanshiwu Fo ming lichan wen 三十五佛名禮懺文 T326 in one juan ascribed to Amoghavajra 不空. The note 出烏波離所問經 added to the title is an alternate title 異名 used in India [sic!]. Ōno states that he will discuss this text later in the same book (Chapter 16 of Part Two).

Edit

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Pointing to information conveyed in CSZJJ and KYL, Ono inclines to the belief that the *Vinaya-viniscaya 決定毘尼經 T325 (= Upali-pariprccha) dates to the E. Jin, probably to the latter part of that period. Ono also points out that the , ascribed to “the Dunhuang Trepitaka” 燉煌三藏 [usually taken to mean Dharmaraksa --- MR] was widely used in other scriptures. For example, it is reused as the Upalipariprccha 優婆離會 T310(24) in the Ratnakuta of Bodhiruci. It also became the first "introduction" chapter 第一序品 of the Pusa shan jie jing 菩薩善戒經 in nine juan, T1582, one section 一節 of which is in turn quoted in the Dasheng xiuxing pusa xing men zhu jing yaoji 大乗修行菩薩行門諸經要集 T847 ascribed to Zhiyan 智嚴 (of the Tang). The rite for contrition before the thirty-five Buddhas 三十五佛懺悔法 of T325 was valued particularly highly in China, as it was an important source in the development of the Guan Xukongzang pusa jing 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T409. Furthermore, two versions of a text entitled Sanshiwu Fo ming jing 三十五佛名經 were produced on the basis of the 三十五佛懺悔法: 1) A scripture recorded in the section of anonymous extant scriptures of CSZJJ as the Sanshiwu Fo ming jing in one fascicle, 三十五佛名經一巻 出決定毘尼經, which is an excerpt scripture of the names of the Buddhas from Sakyamuni 釈迦牟尼佛 to Lianhuaguang shanzhu shaluoshu wang Fo 蓮華光善住沙羅樹王佛. Ono points out that this text exists in the Hou zai za lu 後載雜錄 of the Korean and Song editions of the Guan Xukongzang pusa jing 觀虛空藏菩薩經 (Ono states that he made this point already in the fourth section of Chapter One, Part One of the same book). 2) the extant Sanshiwu Fo ming lichan wen 三十五佛名禮懺文 T326 in one juan ascribed to Amoghavajra 不空. The note 出烏波離所問經 added to the title is an alternate title 異名 used in India [sic!]. Ono states that he will discuss this text later in the same book (Chapter 16 of Part Two). T0325; 佛說決定毘尼經 T0326; 佛說三十五佛名禮懺文 T0409; 觀虛空藏菩薩經 T0847; 大乘修行菩薩行門諸經要集 T310(24); Upalipariprccha 優波離會